Skip to main content

Full text of "United States and China : a report"

See other formats

7 q, flLfl: 1\y\ 35"/2?/97e> 

94th Congress 
2d Session 





Senator Hugh Scott 

Minority Leader, United States Senate 
to the 












Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 




GALE W. McGEE, Wyoming 
GEORGE S. McGOVERN, South Dakota 
JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr., Delaware 

Alabama, Chairman 
HUGH SCOTT, Pennsylvania 

Pat M. Holt, Chief of Staff 
Arthur M. Kuhl, Chief Clerk 




Letter of transmittal v 

Text of report 1 

Appendixes : 

A. Itinerary of visit 41 

B. Text of June 9, 1976, letter from President Ford to Senator Hugh 

Scott 42 

C. Premier Chou En-lai's Report on the Work of the Government, 

Jan. 17, 1975 43 

D. "The Great Cultural Revolution Will Shine Forever." The full text 

of the May 16 article by the editorial departments of the People's 
Daily, the journal Red Flag, and the Liberation Army 
Daily in Peking, commemorating the tenth anniversay of the 
May 16, 1966, circular of the Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of China 47 

E. Text of the Shanghai Communique 53 



Uxited States Senate, 
Office of the Minority Leader, 
Washington. B.C.. August 10, 1976. 
Hon. John Sparkman, 
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations, 
U.S. Senate, Washington, B.C. 

Dear Mr. Chairman: The majority leader and I visited China to- 
gether in late April and May in 1972. about 2 months after President 
Xixon and his Chinese hosts announced to the world from Shanghai 
their "Joint Communique." 

My deep interest in China dates back to the mid-30's when I com- 
menced my study of China's great cultural traditions. As a Con- 
gressman and as a Senator. I have studied with special interest 
changes in the relations of the Chinese and the American peoples, 
and in various ways have tried to improve them. Over the past -1- years 
I have shared the desire of many of my colleagues in the Congress, and 
my friends across the country, that diplomatic relations between the 
United States and the People's Republic of China be normalized as 
soon as practicable. 

President Ford, knowing of my intention to visit the People's 
Republic of China, requested that I make an assessment while there 
of the current status of Sino- American relations. 

Through the courtesy of the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign 
Affairs, I was able, during a visit in China from July 10 to July 24, to 
visit with First Vice Premier Chang Clrun-ch'iao, with Foreign 
Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua, the Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary 
Committee of the Shanghai Municipality and local officials with whom 
I met in Chengchow, Loyang, Shenyang, Dairen, Soochow, as well as 
in Peking and in Shanghai. 

Immediately on my return from China I submitted to the President 
in confidence a report of my observations and findings, together with 
certain recommendations regarding U.S. policy. That report included 
accounts of my conversations with Vice Premier Chang Clrun-ch'iao 
and with Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua. 

The report which follows is my attempt to share with the Senate ob- 
servations I made during the extraordinarily rewarding visit I had in 
China under the thoughtful and gracious supervision of the Chinese 
People's Institute of Foreign Affairs. 

On this trip I was accompanied by my wife, Mr. Robert W. Barnett, 
director of the Washington Center of the Asia Society to whom I 
am deeply grateful for his invaluable assistance in the preparation of 
this report, his wife, Mrs. Patricia G. Barnett, Mr. Terence J. Shea 
and Mr. Charles W. Freeman, Jr., of the Department of State, Dr. 
Freeman IT. Cary. Attending Physician of the Capitol. Mr. Richard 
Quick, Miss Margaret Lynch, Mrs. Elizabeth Dorsch, and Mrs. Mary 


Hugh Scott, Republican L> id< r. 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 


China and the United States: Consequences of Patience and 


The arrival of the beautiful exhibition of Chinese archaeological 
finds at Washington's National Gallery in December 1974 gave me 
opportunity to visit with the accompanying group of art curators 
about still other works of art being excavated but not shown to the 
public, which I very much wanted to know about and, hopefully, to 
see. Preparations for my July 10-24, 1976 trip through China began 
at that time. 

For many years I have thought about China within three some- 
what distinct contexts of time. One has been the framework of time 
familiar to the historians of the Chinese artistic tradition, both Chinese 
and non-Chinese. Continuities in that heritage flow back to the 
neolithic age. 

A second framework of time for China embraces the glory, the 
deca} r , the ravagement and exploitation, the struggle, the agony, the 
regeneration and the restoration of Oneness of China which has been 
a part of the political and strategic consciousness of the world over 
the past 250 years. It extends from the brilliant achievements of the 
Manchu Emperor Ch'ien Lung through the unquestionably important 
achievements of Chairman Mao Tse-tung. 

The third framework of time, and one which often obscures deeper 
and enduring realities in the continuities of China's national life and 
character, embraces those events which led up to the announcement on 
February 28, 1972, of the Shanghai Communique, and the movement, 
by all parties directly and indirectly concerned, towards creating the 
better prospect for peace and stability in the Western Pacific that 
the Shanghai Communique envisaged. 

Early in 1975 I discussed with Ambassador Huang Chen, Chief of 
the Liaison Office of the People's Republic of China in Washington, 
my wish to visit China. I mentioned to him the places I wanted to go 
in order to enlarge my knowledge of China's cultural inheritance, 
places where I could go to compare the China of 1976 with the China 
which I had visited in the company of Senator Mansfield in the spring 
of 1972, and people I might see, as a Member of the U.S. Senate, so 
that I could make an assessment of how our Chinese friends viewed the 
present relationship between the United States and the People's Re- 
public of China. 

Over many weeks and months I was encouraged by the Liaison 
Office of the People's Republic of China to believe that my return to 
China could be a practical and worthwhile venture. Some 5 or 6 weeks 
prior to our departure our trip had become sufficiently probable that 
my intention to visit China attracted the attention of the President 
of the United States. On June 9, 1976, President Ford addressed a 
letter to me in which he said : 

As Senate Minority Leader, your presence in China would underscore the 
strong support that the Sino-American relationship enjoys in the legislative 


branch as well as among the American people. Moreover, in view of the chang- 
ing Chinese leadership, it would be very helpful to me to have your assessment of 
the current status of Sino- American relations and of the relationship of normal- 
ization to the general situation in the Far East. Your on-the-spot understanding 
of this relationship will certainly be of great value in the consideration of any 
future questions regarding Sino-American relations which may come before 
the Senate. 

I arranged to include in my party colleagues who were able to 
bring to our sessions with the Chinese, both in Peking and elsewhere, 
past professional experience with China, and linguistic skills, which 
helped me greatly in my effort to make certain judgments about how 
the Chinese are viewing the relevance to today of their remarkable 
cultural inheritance, how the Chinese are carrying forward with their 
colossal efforts in social and economic development, and how we should 
view China as a contributor to arrangements which can assure better 
understandings between the Chinese and American peoples, and a 
better prospect for peace among all countries whose interests involve 
them in the future of the Western Pacific. 

My hosts in Peking had been made aware, through the Lioison 
Office of the People's Republic of China in Washington, of President 
Ford's June 9, 197G, letter to me. When I was received by the Foreign 
Minister and by the Senior Vice Premier of the State Council of the 
People's Republic of China they talked with me, consequently, as a 
Member of the Senate, who had been requested by the President to 
bring to him my assessment of the current status of Sino-American 

The New China News Agenc}' reported that my conversation with 
Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua on July 12 has been "friendly 
and frank." It reported that I had, with Vice Premier Chang Ch'un- 
ch'iao, 'a frank talk in a friendly atmosphere.*' Neither XCXA story 
mentioned the substance of our conversations on July 13. I agree that 
our conversations were frank, perhaps even startlingly so. I also agree 
that they developed in a friendly general atmosphere. 

Prior to my departure from Washington I obtained advice as to 
those issues likely to be uppermost on the minds of our Chinese hosts, 
those matters upon which it might be worthwhile to elicit their views, 
and those matters about which it might be best to avoid detailed con- 
versation. It seemed to me that I was being told that Peking was likely 
("o be generally satisfied with the way the Shanghai Communique was 
being implemented, and that Peking's real concerns related to the con- 
duct of the United States in the global arena. It is my belief, although 
I have no way of knowing, that my Chinese hosts may not have talked 
("o me, had I been a representative of the executive branch, the way 
they talked with me as a Member of the U.S. Senate. Still, it was, I 
think, significant that they talked about Taiwan at length upon their 
own initiative. Their observation that Taiwan was the obstacle to 
progression by the U.S. Government and by the Government of the 
People's Republic of China towards normalization of diplomatic 
relations came, of course, as no surprise. Their view that the civil war 
betv/cen the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China on 
Taiwan was still a war, and unconditionally a domestic affair internal 

to one China, was stated with a vehemence which suggested that they 
were surprised and resentful that any American would not know that 
this was their view. 

From what the Chinese said to me about Taiwan, I draw several 

Last December, Peking was prepared to understand and to acquiesce 
in some delay in the U.S. actions necessary to establish full diplomatic 
relations with the People's Republic of China. China, however, is not 
willing to acquiesce in such postponement for an indefinite period of 
time and they used such terms as "unrealistic and unacceptable." 
Whereas Peking, for some time, has been talking with us about a 
variet}^ of mutual concerns in the global arena, with lessened emphasis 
on China's concern over the unresolved Taiwan issue, China had dene 
this because it believed that its unchanging interest in resolution of 
this part of China's unfinished civil war had been taken for granted 
by us. 

My second inference arises from the state of mind caused by the 
death of Premier Chou En-lai. the now publicly admitted frailty of 
Chairman Mao, and what was, to me, an obvious general uncertainty 
about the composition and likely intentions of China's future leader- 
ship. At such a time there was clearly advantage in moving toward 
the conclusion of important unfinished business which China had 
undertaken with the full authority of both Chairman Mao and 
Premier Chou En-lai: implementation of the Shanghai Communique. 

Ever since Senator Mansfield and I made our trip to China in 
1972 I have been trying to assess congressional and public response to 
reports arising from subsequent congressional visits to the People's 
Republic of China and to public addresses which have touched upon 
normalization of U.S. relations with the People's Republic, such as 
President Ford delivered in Hawaii following his visit to Peking last 
December. Governor Carter's statements on his China policy wishes 
only reinforce my view that there is very wide support for movement 
towards normalization of U.S. diplomatic relations with the People's 
Republic of China, even if doing so involves severing diplomatic ties 
with our friends on Taiwan. I hold the view that early in 1977 we 
should press the process of cutting this Gordian knot, through mutual 
search for acceptable formulae. 

I myself share with many Americans the feeling that we should 
not sever diplomatic relations with Taipei unless and until a convinc- 
ing case has been made that the risks of damage to the longer term 
interests, safety, and prosperity of Taiwan through taking that step 
are not great. This case ought to be made as early as possible, more- 
over, knowing that P.R.C. leadership, on its side, is most unlikely to 
make explicit commitments to the United States inconsistent with V 3 
view that the method for the ultimate liberation of Taiwan is a matter 
internal to One China. 

It has been my view for some time, a^ a friend of the Chinese people, 
that Taiwan's safety is a function of important realities over and 
above the existence of the 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty. T believe that 
the American public, the People's Bepublic of China and Taiwan must 
understand why this is the case. Taipei heeds to understand tl at the 
American public's revulsion with the Vietnam intervention, and the 


American public's support of the War Powers Resolution of the Con- 
gress, mean that sustained American performance on commitments 
under the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954 cannot be taken automati- 
cally for granted. The treaty was entered into at a time when Wash- 
ington believed that its adversary was a Sino- Soviet monolith whose 
seizure of any free world territory carried global implications. Under 
present circumstances, considering the risks as well as likely Ameri- 
can reactions, the American people may come to question vital interest 
in military involvement in the unfinished Chinese civil war. 

It is not likely that Peking will attempt to recover Taiwan by mili- 
tary means if doing so were to require significant weakening of 
Peking's military capabilities on the northern frontiers of the People's 
Republic of China, where present anxieties are not soon going to be 
eased. Peking knows, that under any circumstances, a military engage- 
ment in the Taiwan Strait would be costly, considering the impressive 
combat capabilities of the Republic of China, as well as weighing the 
risks of adverse world reaction. 

Peking knows that for it to strike a military blow against Taiwan 
would provoke an extreme reaction in Japan, possibly great enough to 
cause Japan to move toward revoking Article 9 of its constitution, and 
to head toward acquisition of a major power military capability which 
so recently as 4 years ago was deeply disturbing to Peking. 

Peking should understand that for it to resort to military force in 
settling the Taiwan question would almost certainly cripple, perhaps 
gravely, a prospect of helpful cooperation between Washington and 
Peking in the global arena. 

On the other hand, it is my belief that we have overlooked, during 
our conversations with Peking about Taiwan over the past 20 years, 
the possibility that Taiwan, itself, might alter its role in our con- 
frontation with Peking. Taiwan should be persuaded that its safety 
may depend far more significantly upon factors other than whether 
or not it is linked to the United States by treaty obligations. Taipei 
has denied totally the legitimacy of Peking's authority because the 
legitimacy of government on Taiwan, itself, required expectation of 
a return to the mainland, and because Taipei believed that it could 
take for granted an American defense umbrella. While almost all 
other countries in the world have been moving toward normalization 
of relations with the People's Republic of China, Taipei has been 
unwilling to negotiate on any subject with Peking. 

While I was in China this time, I was interested to hear that the 
Chinese were ready, at any time, to talk with representatives of 
Taipei and to trade with Taiwan. 

I came away from my conversations with Chinese leaders convinced 
that we should strive to make Peking perceive the need for it to coop- 
erate with us in dealing with both domestic and international dif- 
ficulties which complicate, for us, movement toward normalization 
of relations between the United States and the. People's Republic of 
China. I am also convinced of the wisdom of our statement in the 
Shanghai Communique which reaffirms our interest "in a peaceful set- 
tlement of the Taiwan question by the ChinewSe themselves." The time 
has now come, however, for us also to ask from Taipei, in addition to 
what we may be asking from Peking, a positive role in the search for 

a solution which offers promise of avoiding the use of force on eithe: 
side. Taipei should play a positive role so as to assure continuing- read- 
iness of the American people to be involved in that remarkable eco- 
nomic and social development effort so greatly admired by its friends, 
whether that relationship develops within the framework of a "Japan 
formula" or otherwise. 

Events are taking place within China, within the United States, 
within east Asia — notably the termination of the Vietnam interven- 
tion — and elsewhere which cause me to believe that normalization of 
diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Re- 
public of China is a matter of some urgency, hopefully to be 
achieved during 1977, if the expectations for peace and amity, implicit 
in the Shanghai Communique, are to be realized. 


From the Department of State, my congressional colleagues, and 
from my own party I received, prior to my departure, massive back- 
ground materials intended to help me to profit from my trip to China. 
These materials included the texts of important speeches by the Presi- 
dent and by the Secretary of State, thoughtful and informative reports 
on trips made to China by congressional delegations and by various 
private groups and individuals, general economic indicators, and anal- 
yses of Chinese agriculture, industry, trade, energy prospects, govern- 
ment and party structure, and so forth. I was given prints on 
congressional hearings and various articles on China and on U.S.- 
China relations. In retrospect, however, there were two documents 
which were of particular value to us during our travels through 
China. One was the text of Premier Chou En-lai ? s Report on the work 
of the government on January 17, 1975. The other was the text of a 
May 16, 1976 article by the editorial departments of the People's Daily, 
the journal Red Flag, and the Liberation Army Daily entitled "The 
Great Cultural Revolution Will Shine Forever", written in com- 
memoration of the 10th anniversary of the May 16, 1966 circular of 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China which, in 
the words of the article itself, "sounded the clarion call for the Great 
Proletarian Cultural Revolution and illuminated the course of its 
triumphant advance." 

I must digress a moment to justify the somewhat bizarre suggestion 
that two samples of Chinese Communist current literature had as great 
or greater value for me than the mass of other descriptive and analyti- 
cal data, largely produced by American observers, made available to 
our party. As main- other American visitors to China, including Mem- 
bers of the Congress, over the past 4 years have discovered the Chinese 
are generous, and exacting hosts. They learn of your interests and 
'wants and do the l>est they can to satisfy them. They expose you to a 
staggering variety of impressions by means of a complete schedule of 
visits to institutions and with "leading persons." They ask you to 
listen respectfully to their explanations of what it is that you are see- 
ing. The visitor to China is a beholder of the scene, and a passive 
listener to the words of hospitable, earnest and dedicated persons 
responsible for the place, the program, the event or the institution 
concerned. Visitors do not cross question. 


The value of the Chou En-lai statement and the May 16 editorial 
lies in the fact that read and understood together they can furnish 
American listeners with concepts and vocabulary needed to decode in- 
timations of political tendency across the country. Teng Hsiao-p'ing 
was hardly mentioned to us by Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua, by 
the senior Vice Premier Chang Ch'un-eh'iao, or by the Vice Chairman 
of the Revolutionary Committee of the Shanghai Municipality, but 
with almost ritualistic regularity, criticism of Teng was a part of 
conversations we had everywhere else, at Peking University, in fac- 
tories, at a May Tth cadre school, in museums, at two communes, in 
hospitals, sports centers, musical performances, and even in kinder- 
gartens. What might this really signify? 

Observers and analysts far more learned and experienced than I 
have tried to explain the apparent frenzy of the anti-Teng campaign. 
On the strength of my observations, admittedly very limited in scope 
and depth, the anti-Teng campaign differs in one respect from the cam- 
paigns in 1972 against Lin Pao and in 1967 against Liu Shao-chi. Teng 
was never described to us as betraying China to some foreign power. 
The virulence of the anti-Teng campaign appeared to be funda- 
mentally moralistic and ideological. To listen to our hosts con- 
demn Teng's alleged challenge to Chairman Mao's leadership, one 
would suppose that the Great Cultural Revolution, set in motion by the 
Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in May, 1966, 
had been a continuing process for over a decade. Many outside ob- 
servers have believed that the Sino-Soviet military engagements in the 
summer of 1969, China's entry into the United Nations in 1971. the 
Shanghai Communique of 1972, and the normalization of relations 
with Japan, Australia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, and many, 
many other countries, took place in a setting where Chinese leadership 
had considered the Cultural Revolution to have served its earlier puri- 
fying purposes. Thus it was in a post-Cultural Revolution era, that 
through its most highly respected and beloved administrator, Chou 
En-lai, there was calmly laid down a broad design for national con- 
duct over the rest of this century in the form of his report for the 
Government in January, 1975. That relatively brief document is, there- 
fore, worth careful reading. It honored the wisdom of Chairman Mao. 
It stressed the goals of self-reliance and egalitarianism. However, it 
acknowledged, realistically, that independence and growth will re- 
quire selective and prudent involvement in the international economic 
and scientific community, and tactical adjustment of ideology in meet- 
ing national requirements if China is to come to the front ranks of 
the. world during this century. It was, conceptionally and opera- 
tionally, Chou En-lai's "last will and testament'' and must be the 
bible of China's pragmatists. 

Implicitly, criticism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing seems to reflect a wish by 
some factions in China's leadership to create fear that the pragmatic 
elements in the Chou strategy might gain crippling precedence over 
ideological purity. 

What was striking to us was that our Chinese hosts, elsewhere than 
in Peking and briefly in Shanghai, never revealed much interest in any 
other country than their own. It was only in Dairen, when being shown 
a remarkable network of civil defense tunnels and military precau- 

tions, that the U.S.S.R, was mentioned to us as a present danger. The 
U.S. election was rarely brought up publicly though often discussed 
privately with me. Japan was not discussed with us. Taiwan was the 
frequent theme of song and dance but not often of conversation out- 
side of Peking and Shanghai. On our side, we never brought it up. 
Instead, our hosts talked with us almost exclusively about what, as a 
practical matter, had been their achievements since "Liberation," 
since "the Cultural Revolution" and what had been the moral content 
and purpose of their collective activity. In the May 16, 1976, editorial, 
referred to above, and attached to this report, we can read, in con- 
text, the incantations we heard : "We couldn't do without the Great 
Proletariat Cultural Revolution;" "* * * The bourgeoisie is right in 
the Communist Party— those in power taking the capitalist road. The 
capitalist roaders are still on the capitalist road." "Teng Hsiao-p'ing's 
'taking the directives as the key link' * * * completely denies 'that 
several thousand years of human history are a history of class strug- 
gle.' " Chairman Mao said at the beginning of this year : "Without 
struggle, there is no progress. Can 800 million people manage without 
struggle?" "The supersession of the old by the new is a general, 
eternal and inviolable law of the universe." 

The article concludes with the exhortations : "We must grasp revo- 
lution, promote production and other work in preparedness against 
war. * * * Under the leadership of the party central committee 
headed by Chairman Mao, we are determined to persevere in taking 
class struggle as the key link and carry the continued revolution under 
the dictatorship of the proletariat through to the end." One may treat 
this as the bible of the "left." 

From scores of people we were to see in China, the above quotations, 
in varying combination, were used so often in discussing every aspect 
of Chinese activity that one was tempted to suspend attention. Grad- 
ually, however, several, perhaps surprising, impressions began to 
take form. We were in the presence "of people" whose concerns were 
nationally and locally introspective. Necessity was extracting, some- 
how, betterment of life in an environment constantly threatened by 
the pressure of numbers, and the unreliability of nature. Second, we 
were among people who had had, even as Communists, some experi- 
ence with the social cost of rewards of the liassez-f aire and regulated 
elements in Maoist practice, and were debating elliptieally the 
operational implications of Teng ? s deviations from Mao's line in 
keenly-felt moral terms. Third, we were among people whose obvious 
intelligence 1 and whose experience with affairs, albeit at a local level, 
must have made them conscious of the inevitable past disparities be- 
tween theory and practice. But they had for 30 years or more relied 
upon a relatively stable leadership to make pragmatic accommodation 
to fluctuatinff national circumstances. They were now uncertain who 
their future leaders would be. 

A power-seeking "left," speaking as ideologues and moralists, and 
citing Chairman Mao as their authority, was telling the people to 
condemn Teng Hsiao-p'ing — the elitist, the capitalist roader, and the 
betrayer of the revolution. The pragmatists and the administrators, 
in whom Premier Chon placed great trust in his January 1975 "will 
and testament," were largely silent but, except for the "villainous" 


Teng Hsiao-p'ing, were holding onto their jobs. The anti-Teng cam- 
paign was a one-sided argument, but still it was argument. 

When the President was in Peking last December, Premier Chou 
En-lai, though known to be ailing, still was alive. His death, in early 
January, produced, I think, an impact on China's succession of power 
arrangements far more profound than anyone seemed to be anticipat- 
ing Shortly after Chairman Mao received Prime Minister Lee Kuan 
Yew and Prime Minister Bhutto in Peking last May the Central 
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party announced that Chair- 
man Mao would no longer be receiving foreign visitors. This extra- 
ordinary procedure for admitting Chairman Mao's declining activity 
and involvement in Chinese affairs obscures, even more, who is likely 
to be taking charge. On the eve of our departure from Washington 
for Peking, Marshal Chu Teh died unexpectedly, and during our 
first 2 days in Peking national mourning exercises reached their cli- 
max. With two giants gone from the scene and the actual role of 
Chairman Mao unknown, it is obvious that the Chinese people are 
wondering who will be shaping China's future domestic and foreign 

Personalities and ideologies will both be involved in China's ad- 
justment to a future without Mao. My impression is that there are 
powerful continuities in China's national conduct — in the way the 
Chinese have always dealt with each other, in the way they have 
come to terms, individually, with notions of freedom and authority, 
and in the way that they have coped with hardcore economic diffi- 
culty since 1949 largely through their code of "self-reliance." Even 
during the most tumultuous early years of the Cultural Revolution, 
inflamed dispute over questions of ideology affected only slightly the 
way the Chinese handled their most pressing economic and strategic 
necessities. I believe that this is likely to be the case again during 
disturbances that may take place when Chairman Mao disappears 
entirely from China's political scene, and that the Chinese quest for 
self-reliance will continue whether the rhetoric used to explain it leans 
toward the egalitarianism implicit in the current anti-Teng stress 
upon class struggle or whether it reverts slightly towards certain 
elitist and supposedly "bourgeois" prescriptions for Chinese conduct 
in the. economic and educational spheres currently attributed to him 
and plausibly implicit in Chou's grand design for China's future. 
Members of my party noticed changes from the China scene as 
previously observed by them. I mentioned to some of my Chinese 
hosts, for example, that I noticed great improvements over the past 4 
years in urban transportation. I noticed that foreign visitors were 
taken for granted more readily. I noticed progress made in public 
health and sanitation. I noticed an increased interest in discovery and 
preservation of the treasures of China's past. I noticed improvement 
m the quality and quantity of textiles, arts and crafts. Another mem- 
ber of our party observed an increase in mechanization of production 
processes in the communes that we visited. 

He also detected what seemed to be a reversion to an ancient 
Chinese tendency to view their current history in much the same way 
that their predecessors had done by indicating shifts in the character 
or policy of governance by changes of slogan and vocabulary, much 
as Chinese emperors in earlier times, had changed their reign titles 


within dynastic periods. And, by one of my party whose memory 
of China dated back to the era of treaty ports, other changes were 
observed. Foremost amongst these, perhaps, was the liberation ot 
women from a hopelessly subordinate and exploited role in China s 
social and economic system. Another was the amazing reforestation 
of the landscape, both rural and urban. Another was maintenance of 
Chinese roads and railroad beds in contrast to prewar China— when 
brilliant feats of engineering and construction were often flawed by 
indifference to keeping them in repair. But, by far the most conspicu- 
ous transformation of the China scene over the past 40 years is elec- 
trification of the countryside, in urban and rural sectors — in agricul- 
ture and in industry. Electricity brings light, radios and television to 
the homes of Chinese farmers after their day's work. Electricity is 
the life blood of industrial growth in communes and for Chinese 
large industrial agglomerations. Electric generators, large and small, 
are the most transforming influence changing China's current eco- 
nomic and social experience. 

Another transformation is being produced by China's new attitude 
toward language. For over 2,000 years the written Chinese language 
has been cultural cement. Differences in dialect, sometimes from village 
to village, have encouraged narrow provincialism and discouraged 
awareness, not even to mention discussion, of broad national purpose. 
The present spectacle of national discourse within China would be 
unthinkable had it not been that the People's Republic of China had 
pressed forward with various reforms of the language itself and of 
the educational system which it serves. 

Our Chinese hosts had not informed us prior to our arrival in Peking 
how it was that they intended us to spend our 15 days in China. I had 
told the liaison office in Washington that I hoped to visit Shanghai, 
Peking, Tientsin, Sian, Yenan, Tsingtao, Soochow, and Shanghai, 
with some members of my party going to Hangchow. My hosts, the 
Chinese People's Institute for Foreign Affairs, had been informed and 
clearly wanted to be helpful. Without elaborate explanation of why 
they had done so, they offered me, however, a very different, and, I 
believe, significantly improved itinerary. 

They suggested that our party go from Peking and make a brief 
stop at Chengchow, a town 15 miles south of the Yellow River at the 
junction of the Peking-Canton and Lunghai railway lines. Cheng- 
chow is the capital of Honan province, an important transportation 
center, and the home of a provincial museum containing a collection of 
archaeological finds from China's neolithic era down through the Ming 
Dynasty. They then suggested a train trip from Chengchow to Loyang 
with its nearby Lungmen Caves, where Buddhist sculptures before and 
after the fifth century A.D. have both the quality of renaissance 
church bas-reliefs in Florence, and monumental sculptures on the 
upper Nile. At Loyang we would visit a commune. Our hosts suggested 
that from Ilonan we fly to Shenyang, the capital of Liaoning Prov- 
ince, in China's northeast, and previously known as Mukden. It was 
the first capital of the Ch'ing Dynasty which governed China from 
1644 to 1911. Liaoning, second only to Shanghai in volume of indus- 
trial output, has industry of larger scale than in any other part of 
China. From Shenyang it was suggested our party would fly to 
Dairen. For almost 50 years, this port city, with its naval base, was in 


Russian, and later, in Japanese hands. Now an important transporta- 
tion center and the site of a wide variety of industrial plants. Dairen 
seldom has been visited by outsiders. 

We would fly south from Dairen and entrain for Soochow, where 
we would visit another commune and other places for which the 
city has been famous in Chinese history. From Soochow we would 
go to Shanghai where we could visit its celebrated museum, see a 
new residential area, visit a factory, tour various parts of the city and 
be given a farewell luncheon by an old acquaintance, the Vice Chair- 
man of the Revolutionary Committee of the Shanghai Municipality, 
Feng Kuo-chu. I was entirely satisfied with this itinerary being pro- 
posed to me. 

As I have indicated before, Chinese management of an itiner- 
ary of this sort allows even the most well-prepared and per- 
ceptive traveler very limited opportunity for research or system- 
atic interrogation of those who obviously are in possession of 
information of interest or value. A traveler must be cither very bold 
or very foolish to make claim of accuracy in his impressions or to 
assert that impressions formed in one location fairly represent any- 
thing much more than that. Still, specific and localized observations 
have value. Under the supervision of an exceptionally courteous, 
knowledgeable and efficient group of escorts from the Chinese People's 
Institute of Foreign Affairs and a variety of local Chinese organiza- 
tions, we gained many suggestive insights into the state of mind and 
working methods of many Chinese men and women, workers and 
managers, young and old people whom we observed to be meeting the 
wide variety of responsibilities which they bore. 


There follows an account of what it was that we saw and what it 
was that we were told, with minimum comment b}~ me : 

July 11, 1970 {Peking) 

Peking was this day mourning Marshal Chu Teh. Whatever might 
earlier have been considered a practical possibility for me to meet with 
the Foreign Minister and other political personalities on the State 
Council was how out of the question for a day or two at least. Sunday 
in Peking is not necessarily a day of rest. Our escorts had not hesi- 
tated, on this account, to set up visits to two small industrial enter- 
prises. The first of these was the Peking Municipal West District 
Optical Instruments Factory. The second was the Peking Glass 

Arising very early in the morning I looked out across Chang An 
Boulevard upon which the Peking Hotel fronted, a boulevard 14 
lanes wide easily accommodating a flow of thousands of bicycles and 
scores of buses without congestion. I counted 140 cars parked in front 
of the new wing of our hotel. On the sidewalk below I saw a number of 
joggers and under the trees men of almost every age doing exercises. 

As became our standard practice, our party had breakfast together 
and apart from others in a second floor private dining room and were, 
at this hotel, served yogurt, scrambled eggs, pastries, jam, coffee and 


By 9 o'clock our escorts had delivered us to the Optical Instruments 
Factory, and we were welcomed by the chairman of the Revolutionary 
Committee of the factory. We were then furnished with a review of its 
history and shown its facilities by Mine. Liu Shih-huei, Vice Chair- 
man of the factory's Revolutionary Committee. She recalled that the 
factory was founded in 1953 by 35 housewives. "With this origin, the 
plant had always paid special attention to women and now they 
amounted to 75 percent of the factory's 5^0 employees, who worked in 
three workshops engaged in producing optical equipment of what 
had become increasing precision and sophistication. Their initial diffi- 
culties were lack of housing and equipment. Their first grinding and 
polishing machines were reconfigured sewing machines. The employees 
worked and studied at the same time. By 1964 they had progressed 
from making watch crystals and eyeglasses to magnifying glasses 
and microscopes with a 40 power strength. During the Great Prole- 
tarian Cultural Revolution they ''struggled against the revisionism 
of Liu Shao-ch'i and Lin Piao." 

The}* were now criticizing the capitalist roacler Teng Hsiao-p'ing. 
But inspired by the thoughts of Chairman Mao, they continued to im- 
prove the quality and quantity of factory output so that in 1974 it was 
six times that of 1964. When the government had been in need of some 
glucose testing machinery to test the quality of sugarcane, Soviet pro- 
ducers of this equipment quoted very high prices so the government 
asked the factory to make the equipment instead. This was accom- 
plished in 3 months at a high level of quality. Now the whole country 
is self-sufficient so far as this item is concerned. The Cultural Revolu- 
tion had taken place just in time and had been very necessary as a 
means of encouraging workers to overcome the difficulties of achieving 
self-reliance. And now it was essential to criticize Teng Hsiao-p'ing 
and to repulse his attempts to revise Chairman Mao's correct policy. 
Teng was mistaken in alleging that life was worse today than before. 
He was mistaken in trying to nullify the Cultural Revolution. 
Workers were repudiating Teng's contention that there were three ele- 
ments — class struggle, production, and stability — in the key link. They 
shared Chairman Mao's view that the class struggle always was a key 
link. Doing this, workers in the factory had overfulfilled production 
goals by 20 percent in June over May. with qualitative improvements 
as well. Through their actions, workers were refuting Teng's charge 
that life was not so good as in the past. This was not to say that there 
would not be any future problems. 

The quantity of output must be increased, quality should be im- 
proved, production facilities should be improved, and many processes 
which are now manual or semimanual should be made more mecha- 
nized. When asked whether worker training was achieved more by 
reading of manuals or by replication of models, the reply was that 
rapid development was made possible because of the correctness of 
the Mao line and rejection of the concept of following others at a 
snail's pace. It was necessary to learn from others' technology, of 
course, but there must bo reliance upon the enthusiasm of the masses 
and the workers in a three in one combination involving workers, 
technicians and leading cadres. Examples wore given of how Innova- 
tion was achieved by reading the literature, seeing samples, adapting 
the sample instrument to specific Chinese needs, sending teams to the 

75-493 — 76 3 


field where they could talk with workers, and thus raising the effi- 
ciency of the work process as well as the item produced. 

During and after inspection of the plant, our hosts made much of 
the fact that workers were acutely aware of the social purpose of their 
activity, that their individual talents were matched against specific 
work requirements, and that whereas before Liberation the Chinese 
worker had no guarantee of wage or job, his present livelihood was 
assured and decent. There were disparities in income, between a low 
of 40 yuan a month and a high of 100 yuan a month. But in one family 
there might be four or more incomes. Unemployment was very low 
except for the aged and for children, of course. With prices of today's 
necessities stable and with the cost of rent, water, and electricity ap- 
proximately 5 percent of the expense of a family, the people's liveli- 
hood was, we were told, very good. 

There was no sex discrimination either with respect to pay or type 
of work. Every week there was a day off. There were other public 
holidays. Leave was allowed for family reunions. Women were en- 
titled to 56 days of maternity leave. Retirement at 70 percent of the 
last wage earned could be expected by women at age 50, administra- 
tive women at age 55, and men at age 60. The factory often gave its 
employees without charge uniforms, shoes, safety devices, winter 
clothes, provided free medical care and cover for funeral expenses. 
Without these worries, workers could put their heart and soul into 
their jobs. On top of all this, moreover, the factory ran for its workers 
a dining hall, a canteen, a nursery for the children, and an exercise 
facility. It encouraged the formation of clubs with a variety of inter- 
ests, like, for example, wushu — or the Chinese martial art. 

Employees of the optical factory worked two 8-hour shifts, one was 
from 6 :00 a.m. to 2 :00 p.m., the other was from 2 :00 p.m. to 10 :00 

By 1980 the factory hopes to increase output by 600 to 700 percent, 
to improve its technology, to enlarge its work force, to advance toward 
establishing assembly lines, and to elevate worker consciousness. 

There are, we were told, 20 such optical factories in Peking. 


Our hosts had arranged for our party to visit the Peking Glass Fac- 
tory. We drove, as usual, in convoy. We were received by Mme. Chao 
Mei-yun, vice chairman of the Factory Revolutionary Committee. The 
factory was housed in a 4-story brick structure facing on a courtyard. 
Entering it we were seated, served tea, and given a briefing by Mme. 
Chao Mei-yun. The factory was established in 1956 by 50 handicraft 
workers. By 1976 this number had grown to more than 600 workers 
of whom 60 percent were women. In the old days working conditions 
were very poor, ceilings were low, and there was poor ventilation. 
Following the teachings of Mao, there had been a tremendous im- 
provement in working conditions and in the enthusiasm and 
creativity of the workers. At first, about 30 different items were pro- 
duced. Now there are about 70. The factory has about 40 markets 
around the world, and about 70 percent of total output is for export. 
The factory cannot cope with demand. Hitherto, products have been 
for decorative purpose. Now, workers are training to make objects for 


daily use. Mme. Chao Mei-yun spoke with pride of glass work as be- 
ing a traditional Chinese craft dating back to the Western Han, some 
2,000 years ago. Traditionally, heat for glassblowing was generated 
by charcoal and later kerosene. Now, the high temperature gas used 
for blowing comes from a nearby coking plant. "Workers had followed 
ancient designs, but now the factory allows workers to rely upon their 
own imagination for both design and color. About 10 percent of the 
work force is responsible for packing the finished product. 

July 12, 101 G {Peking) 

At Peking University (Peita), our party was received by Huang 
Hsin-pai, himself an industrial engineer and university gradaute, who 
was Vice Chairman of the Peking University Revolutionary Com- 
mittee. He escorted us to a spacious room within which 17 Chinese 
hosts mingled with the 6 members of our party. This part of Peking 
University was making use of the former Yenching campus, the in- 
stitution where Ambassador Leighton Stuart had been president prior 
to and briefly after the war with the Japanese. 

Huang welcomed our party and spoke of Peking University as being 
a beneficiary of improved relations between the United States and the 
People's Republic of China. Americans were second only to Japanese 
in the numbers who were now coming to visit the university. The 
university hoped that even more would be coming as time went by. 

Peking University was established in 1898. Today it is a general 
university with faculties for the arts, science, languages and litera- 
ture, and" so forth. Within the arts faculty there were departments 
devoted to Chinese literature, history, philosophy, political science, 
economics, law, and so forth. The natural science faculty included 
physics and biology. The foreign languages faculty included oriental 
languages, western languages and Russian. There were 20 depart- 
ments in the university and 75 disciplines. Since Liberation, the uni- 
versity has no departments of engineering or medicine. There are 
2,700 teachers on the faculty. Its plant had grown from the 70,000 
square meters of old Yenching University to something like 370,000 
square meters. 

Peking University was the birthplace of the May 4th Movement, 
triggered in 1919. Mao Tse-tung had pursued his studies — though not 
as a student — on two occasions at the university. After Liberation 
profound changes in the university's educational system were made 
to bring it in line with Maoist concepts. Revisionists had interfered 
with carrying out these concepts. However, reforms were made during 
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which, in fact, might be 
thought of as having been started at the university, with its big 
character poster criticisms. The university was guided by Mao's prin- 
ciples of serving proletarian politics, integrating students with pro- 
ductive labor and moving educated students into the country's Labor 

The students at the university, today, were largely children of 
workers, peasants and soldiers, who had had some practical experience 
of life. Graduates from middle schools worked in factories, on farms 
or were in the army for a couple of years before entering the univer- 
sity. Students were slightly older than before. They were not accepted 


for enrollment primarily on the basis of examinations. Examinations 
were only one criterion for entry; other factors entered in. Students 
were recommended tty Revolutionary Committees in factories, com- 
munes, army, et cetera, et cetera. Committees that reviewed applica- 
tions were made up from personalities in the local government and 
in the university. Students were made to understand that the purpose 
of education was to respond to obligations incurred by allowing the 
people to send them to the university, to serve the people when gradu- 
ating, to perform upon the trust placed in them by the people. 

Reliance on memory produced "bookworms." Study, today, was 
intended to elevate political consciousness and to learn skills from 
others. One did not study just for himself. Students with previous 
practical experience came to the university with enhanced enthusiasm 
and perceptiveness. In the past, faculties were inclined to pass on 
knowledge of the old order with the danger that the feudal system 
and the capitalist system might appear good with some of their char- 
acteristics seeming to be everlasting. Students became egocentric. But 
the new system repudiates old principles, repudiates inequality, and 
makes clear that a Socialist political consciousness is necessary to 
avoid degeneration of society into capitalism. Ideology, consequently, 
occupies first place. Students put the needs of the State and the party 
at the top of their priorities. Assignment of postgraduates takes ac- 
count of factors of health and family situation, but the will and 
determination of students was taken for granted. 

Huang went on to explain that some members of the faculty were 
university graduates but others came from communes and from fac- 
tories. The situation was now that students thought that they should 
take the initiative to find hard jobs, to accelerate Socialist construction 
of the country, and to volunteer to go to remote places like Tibet where 
they would work for the rest of their lives. There were, incidentally, 
about 12 students at the university from Tibet. 

Students no longer learned books by heart. They were guided by 
Chairman Mao's principles of class struggle, production, and scientific 
investigation and experimentation. Only when guided by these prin- 
ciples could they expect to reach a high level of academic achievement. 
While pursuing theoretical studies, they were also learning from prac- 
tical work in factories, in laboratories, in the army, and elsewhere. 
For example, while studying the field of computerization, they wore 
also producing computers, right on the university campus. While 
studying seismolog}', students would go to probable earthquake areas, 
for example, to southern Liabning. After the severe earthquakes there 
and in Yunnan, students engaged in relief work and tried to perfect 
techniques of forecasting. These procedures brought political con- 
sciousness to the students' minds and gave them a motivation to learn 
better in order to serve the people. 

Students under the faculty of art had been engaged in energetic 
criticism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing. They perceived that Teng was corrupt- 
ing the correct Maoist line, and by downgrading the importance of 
class struggle was bringing bourgeois concepts into the educational 
system. Bourgeois motivations tended to dominate academic institu- 
tions prior to the Cultural Revolution. Since then, however, the pro- 
letariat rose in power and insisted that universities directly serve the 
people. Teng wanted them to serve the bourgeoisie. In the university 


setting class struggle means, therefore, that the orientation of aca- 
demic research should be toward proletariat revolution and not the 
elitism of the bourgeoisie. The content of research should be toward 
Socialist construction and not, as Teng desired, divorcement of study 
from the practical struggle. During the Cultural Revolution students 
at the university had fostered their own academic and theoretical 
studies to bring them close to the people. However, Teng was opposing 
this close integration and favored the training of an aristocratic class 
and the restoration of capitalism. 

Huang observed that it was not surprising that revisionism had 
occurred. It would happen again. However, towards revisionists it 
was important to kill the illness while saving the patient. If the 
patient rejects the help extended to him, nothing can be done about 
it. Meanwhile, students will continue to learn from the people, par- 
ticipate and report on the struggle, and make known what it is they 
hear and see. 

University students were linking the names of Teng Hsiao-ping 
and Ch'en Tu-hsiu, a leader in the May 4th Movement, a founder 
of the Chinese Communist Party, and ultimately a personality dis- 
graced as a "Scientific Marxist." Like Chen, Teng gave absolute 
priority to the achievement of economic development goals even if 
bourgeois methods appeared to be necessary. This was contrary to 
the Maoist line. 

Huang reported that the new enrollments at the university each year 
amounted to about 2,500. Across the country there were about 200,000 
students entering at the university level. Higher education was also 
available in research laboratories, in many factories, and in communes. 
Teaching materials for their use had not yet been unified — we were 
told this 4 years ago as well — and were still being subjected to 

In sum, revolution in China's educational system had only just 
begun. While its orientation was correct, many problems, contradic- 
tions and struggles lay ahead. Right deviationists would continue 
to threaten it. When we raised the question of how the Chinese 
svstem copes with discovery of genius, Huang acknowledged that 
disparities in merit did exist. However, it was believed that those 
with superior talent should help those who lagged behind. Some 
geniuses dislike playing that role and preferred to memorize books. 
The system was intended to help them to develop capacities which 
would be of value to all people. To my question as to the world's debt 
to people of genius, he denied that Thomas Edison or Alexander 
Graham Bell could be thought of as having unusual brains: their 
hands were the important thing. He went on to recall the politics 
of Teng's revisionism in the field of education which involved the 
State Council's Minister of Education in the summer of 1975. 

Presumably inspired by Teng, the minister tried to negate the 
Cultural Revolution and its proletarian line by elevating the man- 
agement role of the bourgeois class both in middle schools and in 
universities. Bv the autumn. Peking University students had eiuraired 
in an active "big character" attack on the minister. That minister 
has now died and not been replaced. His error had boon in wanting 
to take students from middle schools rather than from factories, 
farms, and the army, in stressing professionalism rather than ideol- 


r ogy, and in encouraging the practice of the old days to rely on study 
of books in "an ivory tower." 

During our tour of the university campus we went through the 
stacks of a well stocked library where we found bound copies of 
the New York Times, Time magazine, Neiosweek, The Atlantic, U.S. 
News & World Report (but not The Washington Post). A portion 
of the campus grounds was set off for wall posters. Most of them were 
devoted to criticism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing. Some referral to Teng's 
kinship with Ch'en Tu-hsiu. There was no evidence in these posters 
that the attacks on Teng Hsiao-p'ing linked him with Chou En-lai, 
in any case not explicitly. 


Our hosts had prearranged for me and several members of my 
party to meet with Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua. This meeting- 
was to be followed by an "arrival" dinner at which he would be our 
host but postponed until now because of national mourning for 
Marshal Chu Teh. During our 2-hour session Foreign Minister Ch'iao 
and I, with Ambassador Gates also present, talked about President 
Ford's visit to Peking in December 1975, about progress in the U.S. 
presidential election campaigns, and about my assessment of the likeli- 
hood of basic continuities of U.S. foreign policy commitments. Foreign 
Minister Ch'iao and I agreed that the implementation of the Shanghai 
Communique was in the interests of the Chinese and the American 
peoples. I expressed the view that there was no evidence that the 
American people wished to withdraw from principles contained in 
the Shanghai Communique. Foreign Minister Ch'iao said that China's 
conditions for the normalization of diplomatic relations had been 
stated to President Ford and Secretary Kissinger. 

There had been no change of mind about these conditions on the 
Chinese side. He recalled Secretary of State Acheson's assertion in 
1949 that the question of Taiwan was an affair internal to China. 
He recalled that the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954 between the 
United States and the Republic of China had always been consid- 
ered illegal by Peking. He said that from 1955 until 1971 Chinese 
spokesmen had told their American counterparts that Peking could 
not contemplate the intervention of an outside power in business be- 
tween Peking and one of China's provinces. We talked together about 
some of the implications of that position, and it became clear that 
Peking is maintaining that the realization of One China is not a 
process within which others could insist upon conditions. From the 
subject of the Shanghai Communique we moved on to discuss mat- 
ters of mutual interest around the world. From our conversation 
too-other in the Great Hall we proceeded to Guest House No. 3 for our 
official dinner where amiable toasts were exchanged. 

July 13, 1970 (Peking) 

Our hosts had arranged for us to be received by the Municipal East 
District May 7 Cadre School. We were struck, during a long ride 
through the countryside, by how the planting of trees had made it 
seem that we might be driving through France — a surprising contrast 
to the treeless landscape of preliberation North China. Interestingly 
some of the trees were described as "French trees." 


This cadre school was established, we were told, in November 1968, 
pursuant to two directives by Chairman Mao issued on May 7, 
1966, on the very threshold of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolu- 
tion: "do our own work well" and also "learn from criticism." The 
concept of the cadre school was to give cadres an opportunity to take 
part in manual labor while at the same time taking stock of their 
role in the broader purposes of Socialist construction. Since this school 
was established, 5,000 cadres had been trained. Three hundred had 
arrived in February 1976, with an expectation of remaining there 
for a year before returning to their original places of employment. 
During that year they would receive their pay and take advantage of 
normal welfare facilities. 

These cadres came from the eastern district of Peking. Their study 
was focused on the thoughts of Marx, Lenin, and Chairman Mao. 
They would serve the people wholeheartedly. Half the day would 
be devoted to manual labor, the other half to study. They would study 
independently, but discuss problems together. The function of the 
teaching staff was to point out how theory could be combined with 
practice. Cadres were currently studying Chairman Mao's views on 
how to correct deviations and to perceive how it was that the 
"bourgeoisie is in the Communist Party." They were criticizing, 
specifically, Teng Hsiao-p'ing's theory of "putting production in 
command" and the "dying out of class struggle." They were ponder- 
ing the fact that class struggle is, indeed, the key link in Socialist 
construction. Thus, students were being made to understand that 
Teng's world outlook had not been, as previously hoped, reformed. 
Teng had become a negative example from whom others could learn. 

While at the May 7 school, cadres built houses, worked in the fields, 
tended gardens, repaired roads, bred pigs, and so forth. These activi- 
ties reminded workers of their origins and gave to intellectuals a 
better understanding of workers. Cadres were, in this way, reminded 
of Mao's^ view that they should never be overlords but just ordinary 
people — in contrast to Teng, who regarded cadres as better than 
ordinary people. Cadre schools, themselves, were, therefore, in direct 
contradiction to Teng's theories. Over time, it has come about that 
graduates from cadre schools have admitted that they had lost their 
feelings for ordinary people, had become afraid of fatigue and of filth, 
and would have become the target of hostility from workers and 
peasants had they not regained contact with them. 

Cadres, while at the May 7 school, would spend one month in a 
commune so as to learn better what had happened during the Cultural 
Revolution and what, in fact, was the meaning of the "dictatorship of 
the proletariat". Following this review of the concept of the cadre 
srhool, individual cadres were offered an opportunity to report on 
what they had been doing previously, what they had ^expected from 
the school, and what they had learned. A report on the actual pro- 
ductive achievements of the school included very favorable statistics 
on production of grain, vegetables, pigs, building of houses, and so 
forth— largely motivated by a determination to demonstrate "self- 
reliance/* a term used everywhere in China. 



Our hosts had succeeded in setting up a meeting for me with Senior 
Vice Premier Chang Ch'un-ch'iao for three o'clock. Earlier in the 
afternoon I was able to visit briefly that part of the Peking Museum 
which houses some samples of archaeological finds unearthed near the 
tomb of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, China's First Unifier. Among these 
finds have been a very large number of life-size human and animal 
figures of enormous interest to art historians. Ch'in Shih Huang Ti's 
place in history has considerable political interest. He is viewed as a 
progressive personality in the ageless struggles from which present 
day China has evolved — he was an early enemy of the Confucianists. 

Vice Premier Chang Ch'un-ch'iao and I talked together about 
China's loss in the death of Premier Chou En-lai, about Senator Mans- 
field's hopes to visit China, about general changes that had taken place 
over the past four years within China and elsewhere, about the cam- 
paign of criticism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing, about Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, 
about the American political scene, about ways by which contacts 
between the United States and the People's Republic of China could 
be enlarged and facilitated, and about implementation of the Shanghai 
Communique. On both sides, views were stated candidly within a 
general atmosphere of friendliness. I have reported fully on the details 
of this conversation to President Ford. It was obvious to me that both 
sides can do more in bringing about normalization of diplomatic rela- 
tions between the two governments. Vice Premier Chang Ch'un-ch'iao 
wanted our conversation to be regarded as a private one, and I agreed 
to look upon it in that way, and, therefore, do not quote him. 

July 1J±, 1976 (Cheng chow and Loyang) 

On this day our party left Peking for stopovers in other parts of 
China. Chengchow, to which we had flown, is at the same time one of 
the oldest and newest towns in China. A settlement was there about 
4,000 years ago. In the region have been found magnificent samples of 
Shang Dynasty bronzes and pottery, including some of the very early 
pottery-inspired bronzes. Originally in nearby Kaifeng, Chengchow's 
museum contains remarkable samples of neolithic, Shang, Chou, and 
Han era relics. I need not dwell upon any of them, much as they 
interest me. This museum was of interest to us because its staff of 
120 in charge of its archaeological, exhibit and administrative sec- 
tions clearly wanted us to understand that the Great Proletarian Cul- 
tural Revolution had brought about a significant resurgence of interest 
in and respect for art works of the past. "Study art to serve the 
people." They also made it clear that their field of vision was largely 
confined to the province of Honan. Since the Cultural Revolution, more 
than 1 million relics and artifacts have been found, reported and 
studied in all of the counties of the province. Special attention is cur- 
rently being paid to study of the Hsia Dynasty, 2100-1600 B.C., about 
which very little is presently known. 

The museum contains samples of artifacts from the paleolithic and 
neolithic eras, about 4,000 years before Christ. Some articles date back, 
it was said, to 500,000 years before Christ, or about the time of Peking 
Man. Curators of the museum told us that they were studying aspects 


of the slave system during the Hsia era — and that, with the need for 
more workers, they were drawing upon the services of workers, 
soldiers, and peasants to help out. 

We proceeded, fairly promptly, from Chengchow to Loyang by 
train. This trip took us through loess country where for centuries 
people have lived in caves. Loyang has sometimes been described as the 
cradle of Chinese civilization. Ch'in Shih Huang Ti built palaces there. 
Loyang was a capital of China under the Eastern Han Dynasty, or 
about 25 A.D. to 200 A.D. It was the capital of the Wei and Chin slates 
in the third and fourth centuries, A.D. Lo3^ang was one of the two of- 
ficial capitals of the T'ang Dynasty. Hilly, wooded and at the con- 
fluence of three rivers, the environs of Lo} T ang have stimulated verse by 
some of China's great poets. As had been observed in Chengchow. 
credit was being given by the administrators of Loyang's greatest 
treasures, the Lungmen Caves, a short distance south from Loyang 
itself, to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement 
to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius in connection with the research and 
the work on preservation of the caves now going forward. These caves 
are a monument to the early impact of Buddhism upon China, and the 
continuing influence of that religion in succeeding dynastic periods. 
China's artistic debt to India was not concealed. 

July 1-5, 1976 {Loyang and Chengchow) 

Some members of our party had never visited or had only scanty 
knowledge of how a people's commune was organized and what it did. 
At Hui Kuo Chen People's Commune, about an hour and a half dis- 
tant from Loyang, we saw one. It comprises 3,300 hectares, with a 
population of 60,000. It was organized in 21 brigades and 211 pro- 
duction teams. Prior to Liberation, we were told, there was a com- 
mercial village here with 80 percent of the surrounding land owned by 
landlords and the lower classes living a miserable life. The region 
was liberated in 1948. 

By 1953 the peasants and the lower middle classes had established 
a mutual aid team. By 1'955 they had established elementary coopera- 
tives. In 1958 a people's commune was formed. Since then, per hectare 
agricultural yields have increased from 900 kilograms to 2.7 thousand 
kilograms -per hectare. And. especially during the Great Proletarian 
Cultural Revolution when, following the teachings of Chairman Mao, 
agriculture was seen as the foundation with industry as a leading ele- 
ment, remarkable advances had l>een taking place." Throughout this 
period class struggle was seen as the kev link and the heresies of Liu 
Shao-ch'i, Lin Piao, and Teng Hsiao-p'ing had been repudiated. The 
Hui Kuo Chen People's Commune had boon "learning from Tachai." 

Our hosts, members of the Foreign Affairs office of the Kung County 
Revolutionary Committee and the Hui Kuo Chen Township Commune 
Revolutionary Committee, had statistics at their fingertips. Since the 
Cultural "Revolution Hui Kuo Chen Commune had installed 500 pump- 
ing stations in connection with 14 irrigation projects and servicing the 
needs of 15 ponds and resorvoiT-s. Irrigated land had increased by throe 
times and now 90 percent of the area in the Commune was irrigated. 
Recognizing that the purpose of industry was to improve agriculture, 
the Commune had established and now operated 70 factories, produc- 

75-493— 7G 4 


ing such items as fertilizer, phosphates, cement, farm implements, elec- 
trical equipment, chemical products, paper, and so forth. 

All these undertakings were influenced by a determination to achieve 
self-reliance through hard work. By the end of 1975 the Commune 
owned 2,700 agricultural implements, 35 power generators, and 1,857 
power engines of differing types. Plowing, drainage, transportation, 
husking, et cetera, have become semimechanized. There was sufficient 
electricity to meet the demands of the brigades. Commune output was 
now 12 times the output of the area in pre-Liberation days. Great ad- 
vances had been made since 1965, with grain output increasing from 
3.000 to 8,000 kilograms by 1975. Every brigade stores grain. Every 
household has a surplus of grain. Family savings are put in the bank 
for purchase of necessities like bicycles and sewing machines. We were 
told that the Commune had 132 barefoot doctors and that each brigade 
had its medical clinics and its nurseries. The Commune operated 9 
movie projectors and 22 television sets. It had 44 athletic teams and 23 
song and dance groups. It had a theater and a moving picture house, 
and a stadium with a capacity for 8,000. 

Our hosts said that criticism of Teng was essential for consolidating 
the proletarian dictatorship and to continue on through struggle in 
line with Chairman Mao's leadership. At the Hui Kuo Chen Commune 
we saw two impressive feats of engineering and the massive use of 
manpower. One was the leveling of 2,100 hectares of land which now 
could absorb the water flow of an irrigation network. 

The other was the construction of a facility which pumped water 
up a precipitous 200 or 300 yard long conduit out of which the water 
could flow through aqueducts to irrigate, under careful control, the 
surrounding terrain. Both projects were completed in a matter of a 
very few months and largely by the labor of workers who had only 
limited mechanical assistance in what they were doing. Ten thousand 
people worked for 3 months on the land leveling. A lesser number 
worked for 5 months on the aqueducts. One of our escorts asked 
what had been our main impressions of Hui Kuo Chen Commune. 
Several of those who had not seen a commune before were surprised 
that this one was larger, and more loosely democratic then had been 
their preconception. We were struck by the omnipresent reminders of 
the quest for self-reliance. Learning from doing was evident on every 
side. The health of the people was extraordinarily good and few of 
the achievements of the Commune would have been practical had it 
not been that there seemed to be abundant electricity available. Our 
Chinese escort officer admitted that this had been a relatively good 
commune, that we had seen a demonstration of the practicality of self- 
reliance, that the availability of electricity was important. However, 
he said solemnly, "spirit" was far more important. To understand the 
correct line was critical. 

July 16, 1076 (Shenyang, Llaonlng Province) 

The 2-hour flight from Chengchow to Shenyang on our four en- 
gine turboprop Ilyushin carried us from the home of ancient China 
to what could be perceived, even from the air, as a relatively under- 
populated Chinese frontier. As was the practice of our hosts, we were 
escorted from Shenyang airport immediately into the presence of local 


authorities representing the Liaoning Province Revolutionary Com- 
mittee and the Shenyang Municipal Revolutionary Committee, who 
told us where we were, what had gone on before and toward what kind 
of future Liaoning province and the municipal^ of Shenyang was 

Liaoning Province occupied an area of 220,000 square kilometers and 
had a population of 30.5 million. Its eastern and western parts were 
referred to by Chinese historians dealing with events 500 years before 
Christ, Liaoning did not exist as a province, however, until 1928. It had 
attracted the interest of czarist Russia, other European countries, and 
Japan towards the end of the 19th century, was the arena of warfare 
between Japan and Russia in 1905, and, in 1931, was invaded by Japan, 
which occupied it until 1945, administering it as a part of the state of 
Manchukuo. Kuomintang forces occupied the province until it was 
liberated in November, 1948. Shenyang (previously known as Mukden) 
was the first capital of the Ch'ing Dynasty and it is today the capital 
of Liaoning Province, with a population of 4 million. Liaoning was 
a key area of industrial development in China's first 5-year plan. 
Industry accounts for a very large proportion of provincial produc- 
tion. Liaoning's 10 cities and three administrative districts are all in- 
dustrialized, with machine building a principal activity. 

Prior to Liberation, the imperialist powers treated Liaoning as a 
colony, made use of its manpower to get raw materials, stood in the 
way of significant advance of independent industrial capability, and 
dumped their exports into the area. Since Liberation, there have been 
tremendous changes brought about by adhering to Chairman Mao's 
principle of self-reliance, and "Learning from Taching.*' There has 
been rapid development of both heavy and light industry, iron and 
steel, machine tool construction, and so forth. Since Liberation, oi] 
production has increased by 37 times. Growth might have been 
even greater except for deviations from the correct line for which 
Liu Shao-ch'i was responsible. Concurrent with industrial growth, 
agriculture has made great gains, which might have been even greater 
had it not been for Liu Shao-ch'i. After the Cultural Revolution, 
Liaoning took agriculture as the basis while considering industry as 
the key factor. "Learning from Tachai," Liaoning has greatly in- 
creased farm output. Before the Cultural Revolution, Liaoning was 
not self -sufficient. It is now more than self-sufficient. 

The province has made great progress in culture, education, hygiene 
and sanitation. From only 8, colleges and universities increased 
in number after the Cultural Revolution to 30. with 30,000 students 
dedicated to serving the proletariat and combining theory and prac- 
tice. Liaoning has 10.000 middle schools, serving over 1 million stu- 
dents. It has 12,000 primary schools, serving 6 million students. There 
is universal primary school education in the rural areas and virtually 
universal middle school education, in addition, in urban areas. 

Liaoning has 40,000 barefoot doctors with 3 or 4 of them in each 
production brigade, and cooperative medical service, in addition, avail- 
able in 97 percent of the production teams. 

In Liaoning most of the cities and innumerable organizations have 
their own amateur performing arts teams. The change has been tre- 
mendous during the period of the Cultural Revolution hut much 


remains to be clone to achieve the goals of Chairman Mao. Throughout 
the province there is criticism of the revisionist line of Teng Hsiao- 
p'ing whose advocacy of a restoration of capitalism would frustrate 
the proletariat revolution if not repudiated. Criticism of Teng has 
brought constructive changes in industry, agriculture and commerce, 
but man}^ problems remain to be solved. However, placing confidence 
in Chairman Mao and the Chinese Communist Party, the people of 
Liaoning will do better with each passing day and socialism will 

In response to questions from our party about Tachai and about the 
actual operation of Liaoning's educational S3 r stem, our hosts offered 
explanations. Tachai was an area in Shansi province, primitive, agri- 
culturally backward, where the life of the farmer was miserable. After 
Liberation, tremendous improvements were achieved through the 
study of Chairman Mao's writings on agriculture, through reliance 
on the efforts of the farmers themselves, by struggle against nature's 
threats and through continuous class struggle. The revolutiona^ spirit 
of Tachai was rooted in taking class struggle as the key link and con- 
tinuously criticizing capitalism. Our hosts were frank to say that they 
were not satisfied with their present achievements in the field of agri- 
culture. Needs for further improvement were great. In the past, knowl- 
edge was created by workers but became the property of the upper 
classes. Before Liberation, it was rare for workers to attend universi- 
ties. In the northeast, for example, there had been only one university. 
After Liberation, great changes took place and many others were 
created, but because of the revisionist line few students came from the 
masses of peasants, workers, and soldiers. They came from families 
who could afford to send them, after taking competitive entrance 

Consequently, education was not genuinely serving the interests of 
the people until 1958, when Chairman Mao said that intellectuals 
should acquire knowledge of labor and labor should acquire knowl- 
edge in the educational process. 

Our hosts had arranged that we see for ourselves what had been some 
of the achievements of the province, and how the principles of the 
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution were applied as a practical 

We were escorted to the Liaoning Province Industrial Exhibition 
Hall which had been constructed in 1959 and occupied 33,000 square 
meters of floor space. We walked through six of its twelve great halls. 
Those were devoted to heavy industry and to light industry. We saw a 
scale model of the Anshan steel works, where 10,000 qualities of steel — 
many of which wore identified and explained to us — were produced. 
We saw a model of a large-scale electric shovel, previously purchased 
from the U.S.S.R. at a cost of 1.5 million yuan and now produced at a 
cost of 650,000 yuan. We saw scale models demonstrating the mechani- 
zation of underground mining operations. Grinding machines for pro- 
duction of ball bearings, multi-edged cutting lathes, and many other 
precision instruments produced in Liaoning were shown to us. 

Both in advance of our party, and a little distance behind us, groups 
of Chinese students and workers were being given roughly the same 
briefimr we heard. 


July 17, 1976 {Shenyang and Daiven) 

Our hosts had arranged that we visit the Liaoning Province Tradi- 
tional Chinese Medicine College. Spokesmen for the Revolutionary 
Committee of the College and staff members of the hospital asserted 
that in old China the Kuomintang "reactionaries" tried to discredit 
Chinese traditional medicine. In new China, under the leadership of 
the Chinese Communist Party and of Chairman Mao, there were differ- 
ent attitudes. Colleges were created to train "traditional doctors," in 
contrast to a previous situation in which such doctors, diminishing 
in number, taught only a few apprentices. After Liberation, prac- 
tioners of traditional medicine were invited to come to clinics and to 
other medical institutions to treat the sick and to share their knowl- 
edge with students. In 1958, the College of Traditional Medicine was 
set up but, owing to the reactionary policies of Liu Shao-ch'i, made 
little progress. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution staff 
had increased from 800 to 1,500, and student enrollment had increased 
from 700 to 1,000. 

The hospital facilities now amounted to 700 beds. There are about 
4,000 outpatients annually. The college is divided into two depart- 
ments, dealing with traditional Chinese medicine and with traditonal 
Chinese pharmacology. The medical staff trains doctors in both native 
and Western techniques. The pharmacology staff works closely with 
farmers. In the college's four hospitals, staff treats patients, gives 
training in the operation of clinics, carries on research, and sends one- 
third of its staff regularly to the field for training of barefoot doctors. 
In the course of research on Chinese medical herbs, plants from the 
south have been transplanted in the north, wild herbs have been culti- 
vated in gardens, intercropping of herbs with grain crops has been 
programmed, and a teaching center is devoted to enlargement of 
Liaoning's herb production. We were told that the college was launch- 
ing a program of criticism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing which would deepen 
understanding of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. 

Dressed in white hospital uniforms, our party was escorted through 
the parts of the college where we could observe the extraction of a 
tooth with anaesthetic no more than finger pressure at acupuncture 
points, the treatment of an inflamed tonsil itis by use of a very high 
temperature small iron, treatment of a wide variety of common dis- 
eases by acupuncture and moxibustion, and the union of the fractured 
bones of a recent victim of a bicycle accident. We were also taken to an 
herb laboratory and shown 900 kinds of herbs and animal materials, 
pones, antlers, and so forth. We learned the startling fact that some 
medicinal ginseng takes 70 years to cultivate. We were reminded 
of the reason for some modesty on the part of present day traditional 
doctors in the presence of their past; a Ming Dynasty medical writer 
had identified 8,000 different kinds of medicinal herbs, compared to 
only 5,000 which have been discovered or rediscovered since the Cul- 
tural Revolution. 

Our hosts in Shenyang showed us through a walking tractor factory 
which, before 1900, produced water faucets. Today, 1,000 workers in 
five workshops, occupying 2G,000 square meters of floor space, are 
turning out 1 ^-horsepower walking tractors. By 1964, haying begun 


to overcome shortages of skilled personnel and productive equip- 
ment, the workshop was moved onto the site of what had previously 
been a brick kiln. Workers practiced self-reliance by producing bricks 
during the day and tractors during the night. They pulled down the 
kiln chimneys for construction of some 4,000 square meters of new 
working space. They formed technical groups to study methods of 
overcoming deficiencies in worker skills. 

Repudiating Liu Shao-ch'i and Lin Piao, and pursuing Chairman 
Mao's principle of mass participation, the factory had designed and 
made 260 different types of machines, introduced 1,600 technical inno- 
vations, while improving the efficiency of conditions for workers. 
Before the Cultural Revolution, two workers could produce one tractor 
in a year. Today, one worker produces 10 tractors. Despite the threat 
inherent in the revisionism of Teng Hsiao-p'ing, the factory produced 
13,000 walking tractors over the past year. The factory is ahead of 
schedule but China is far short of meeting the need of mechanizing 
agriculture in China. 

As we walked through this factory we observed that about half of 
the workers were women. We saw a group of children engaged in one 
of the manufacturing processes and were told that the} 7 had come from 
a middle school in the countryside for a month's exposure to factory 
conditions, after which they would return to school. Almost all of the 
components of the tractor were manufactured right at the plant or in 
plants elsewhere in Liaoning. We were told that most of the output 
from the plant was used in the province of Liaoning. Big letter posters 
were everywhere to be seen, but in this plant the focus was not on Teng 
Hsiao-p'ing but rather on the bourgeoisie in the communist party. 
We were told that the deeply ribbed rubber tires were fabricated from 
rubber brought in from Hainan Province, and from China's synthetic 
rubber facilities, while only a reluctant admission that some of the rub- 
ber may have come from Malaysia. 

Walking tractor may be a misnomer. This piece of machinery, 
operated by one man, is used for earth-moving and plowing, but also 
in connection with pumping water for irrigation canals, hauling heavy 
loads, and generating electricity for domestic use. It was something 
of a surprise to find that the staff which tested the completed vehicle 
almost treated that procedure as a kind of frolic. They did things with 
these tractors reminiscent of motorcycle acrobats at a country fair, 
much to our delight and other members of the audience they had. 

We left Shenyang at 4 :30 p.m. on a flight of about 1 hour to Dairen, 
a beautiful port at the tip of the Liaoning peninsula. Seized and 
developed by the Russians at the end of the 19th century and wrested 
from the Russians by the Japanese during the Russo-Japanese War 
of 1004-1005, this city, even from the air, shows evidences of non- 
Chinese influence. 

Chinese maps show what we call Dairen (or Dalien) as Luta. We 
were greeted upon our arrival by the Deputy Chief of the Foreign 
Affairs Office of the Luta Municipal Revolutionary Committee and 
his colleagues who invited us to listen to a briefing. Dairen is a city of 
1.1 million population, with 4.4 million living in the greater municipal 
area. It lies on the same latitude as Washington, D.C. It has been an 
international port for many years. Its 1,000 factories include facilities 


for machine building, production of chemicals, ship building, metal- 
lurgical industries, and textiles. In the surrounding area fruits, pea- 
nut and grain are produced. Luta has a fishing and marine produc- 
tion industry. 

In the third quarter of the 19th century the Manehus made Dairen 
a naval port, and the city grew in size before it was occupied by czarist 
Russia and then by the Japanese. Under this alien rule the people 
suffered from oppression. They engaged in a stubborn, protracted 
struggle against the imperialistic rule, and in 1945 Dairen returned to 
the fold of the motherland. With enthusiasm, zeal, and self-reliance 
the people have been engaging in socialist construction. Industry and 
agriculture have developed very rapidly, despite the revisionism of 
Liu Shao-clvi, Lin Piao, and Teng Hsiao-p'ing. The raising of political 
awareness has been an impetus for production. Gross industrial output 
in 1975 had increased 24 times since 1945, 2 times during the period 
of the Cultural Revolution. Dairen had learned from both Tachai and 
from Taching. Agricultural yields had doubled since 1949 and had 
increased 70 percent as compared to just before the Cultural Revolu- 
tion. The well-being of the people has improved. Prices have remained 
stable. Market activity has been brisk. People are well fed and clothed. 
They do not have a high standard of living but all lead reasonably 
decent lives. The people have been instructed to abide by Chairman 
Mao's standards of hygiene and sanitation. Medical centers in urban 
and rural areas serve the broad masses. 

TVe were told that in addition to many amateur colleges in Dairems 
factories and communes there were nine universities and colleges in 
the city. There was universal primary and middle school education. 
There had been great development of physical, cultural, and sports 
facilities. There were deficiencies awaiting correction. Automation and 
the use of electronic devices in factories were limited. The use of ma- 
chinery on the farms was not extensive. However, China was still a 
developing country whose difficulties could be overcome under the 
guidance of the great Chairman Mao and through constant study and 
criticism of the revisionists. 

The vice chairman of the Liaoning Committee entertained our 
party in one of the dining rooms of an elegant provincial guest house. 
He asked about changes which we observed that had taken place 
since 1945. Several were mentioned. He responded that the real differ- 
ence was the existence of a revolutionary spirit throughout the 
country which recognized that everyone was equal. 

July 18, 1976 (Dairen) 

The vice chairman of the Dairen Harbor Revolutionary Committee 
told us about Dairems port activity and took us on a tour. This was 
one of the few times that photographic restrictions were placed upon 
members of our party. There was a portion of the city in the hills 
beyond it which we were asked not to photograph. (We had been 
told before going to China that the Chinese prohibited photographs 
from aircraft and photographs of airports.) 

The port of Dairen is a major part of China's north-south trans- 
portation system. Sixteen thousand workers and stuff work on docks 


which occupy am area of some 86 square kilometers, divided into six 
regions and accommodating 12 wharfs. Fifty ships of the 5,000 to 
10,000 ton category can be anchored in the harbor at the same time. 
Ships as large as 50,000 tons have entered the harbor. Serving the 
wharfs are 120 kilometers of railway lines which run to godowns and 
factories in the area. Dairen is just beginning to experiment with 
containerization. A new tanker facility has opened for operation which 
can accommodate tankers up to 100,000 tons. It took iy 2 years for 
Dairen to design and construct this facility without outside help. 
It was completed 8 months ahead of schedule. 

Historically, dock workers suffered a miserable life, working 15 
hours or more a day without adequate food or clothing. After Libera- 
tion, workers began to be masters of their own fate, changed their 
life style, and gained great satisfaction from their work. Workers are 
moved into management positions and now 80 percent of leading posi- 
tions are held by workers who came from the grass roots level. Dock 
workers have their own dormitories, clinics, nurseries, kindergartens 
and facilities for the aged. After the Cultural Revolution, and espe- 
cially after the Lin Piao and Confucianism criticism, workers began 
to achieve 12 percent monthly productivity increases. In 1975 the 
State plan was overfulfilled and port procedures had become 75 per- 
cent mechanized. In some cases handling of freight was 100 percent 

China now has diplomatic relations and trades with more than 100 
countries. This trade contributes to friendship amongst peoples. 

During our trip through the harbor we saw a panorama of highly 
diversified shipping and industrial activity. The net impression, how- 
ever, was of activity carried on at a much more moderate pace than 
would have been the case in Rotterdam, Osaka, or even Shanghai. 

July 19, 1976 {Dairen) 

Only in Dairen did our Chinese hosts, this time, reveal to us aware- 
ness of China's strategic vulnerabilities. 

The Vice Chairman of the Chung Shan District Revolutionary 
Committee explained to us Dairen's underground civil defense system. 
Chairman Mao, he said, had instructed the Chinese people to dig 
tunnels deep, store grain everywhere, and never to seek hegemony. 
The broad masses, he said, under the leadership of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party, following the correct line of Chairman Mao, and 
criticizing Lin Piao and Teng Hsiao-p'ing, were devoting hard work 
to the achievement of self-reliance. Dairen's underground civil defense 
tunnels demonstrated a part of that achievement. 

Work on the tunnels began in 1070 and was completed in 1974. Five 
hundred thousand workers, students, and staff members had taken part 
in the project. Now a tunnel system (20,000 meters long) could accom- 
modate 60,000 people in the Chung Shan District. In this system there 
are facilities for industrial production, medical care, support of live- 
lihood of the people, as well as for defensive fighting. There was no 
attempt to conceal defensive military dispositions from us. Our hosts 
admitted that they had not overcome all of the shortcomings of the 
system, particularly waterproofing it and controlling humidity. 


An extended walk through the tunnels confirmed the actual existence 
of the elements in the system as previously described. The walk re- 
vealed high quality workmanship. Nothing was said which revealed, 
however, skepticism as to the actual utility of this vast engineering 
project in any foreseeable military situation, nuclear or conventional. 

Our hosts took us from the civil defense tunnels to the Dairen Arts 
and Crafts Embroidery Factory. Contrary to normal procedure, we 
walked through the plant before having its history and its operation 
explained to us. We observed thai men did the designing. Women did 
the sewing. We observed that a substantial number of sewing machines 
used in the embroidery process had been produced in West Germany. 
We saw a pillowcase on which the words ''Good Night" were em- 
broidered in Arabic. We saw four wall poster cartoons devoted to the 
Teng Hsiao-p'ing heresies, foremost of which was that he had for- 
gotten the class struggle. 

This factory, we were told, employed 451 workers, 80 percent of 
which were women. All were from Dairen. They had learned their skills 
from teachers within the factories. Three in one technical groups 
made up of cadres, workers, and technicians were engaging continu- 
ously in research intended to increase production through automation. 
Worker training normally lasted a year, but for the more complex 
processes, two years. Half of the work force was made up of middle 
school graduates. Among the others were veteran embroiderers who 
prior to liberation could not afford to go to school. The factory had 
its own part-time university which taught politics, machine produc- 
tion and maintenance, and the techniques of arts and crafts. Teachers 
at this university were workers, technicians, and cadres drawn from 
the factory itself. Students at this university spent four hours study- 
ing on each of the two days they studied during the week. As to rates 
of pay, we were told that the average was 40 yuan a month, the lowest 
35 yuan, and the highest 80 yuan. An apprentice received 19 yuan a 
month the first y ear and 21 yuan a month the second year. All em- 
ployees received free medical care, free transportation to and from 
work, sick leave with pay, kindergarten care at one yuan per month 
per child, 56 days of maternity leave for an eight-hour day, six-day 
workweek. Thus, with prices stable, the workers' life standard could 
be said to be wholly guaranteed by the factory and by the State. 

From this embroidery factory, to our surprise, our party was driven 
to an underground department store in the countryside not far from 
our guest house. The Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Committee 
of the store, a woman, was our ho^t. She explained that the store was 
a branch of a big department store in Dairen itself. Following the 
teachings of Chairman Mao to dig tunnels deep, store grain, and never 
seek hegemony, to prepare for war and for natural disasters, and 
to be concerned with all of the people, work had been started in 
October 1970 on an underground structure, carved deep into a rocky 
mountainside. Workers, motivated by self-reliance, had completed this 
store in 93 days. When questioned about the need for this facility, our 
hostess said that history tells us that imperialist hegemonies threaten 
for which the Chinese people must be ready materially and spiritually. 
This was the only way to defend the motherland, and was on the 
minds of those who built this department store. The store was, in fact, 


well stocked with items ranging from foodstuffs to textiles and house- 
hold equipment to bicycles and small machines. 

Our hostess surprised us by putting on an entertainment staged by 
the members of the staff of the store in an acoustically perfect under- 
ground auditorium, some 40 meters wide and 70 meters long, built after 
completion of the main tunnel system. There was an orchestra made 
up of a violin, a dulcimer, two Chinese fiddles, a flute, an accordion, 
and a saxophone, all of which tuned to "A". A chorus of five women, 
aged 20 to 40, sang together. A contralto and a coloratura soprano sang 
solos. A women playing the Chinese fiddle was accompanied by the 
dulcimer. She played "Sending Grain to the State" using vibrato, 
grace notes, full richness of tone, and harmonics with a virtuosity not 
expected from this normally whining instrument. 

Male and female voices sang in the traditional Chinese nasal style 
and in the full voiced Italian operatic tradition. The accompanying 
orchestra used strong rhythms, syncopation and harmonies all un- 
known to the classical Chinese musical tradition. Songs sung were 
about : "our brothers in Taiwan," "spring shoots", "Chairman Mao's 
brilliant thoughts shine on a blast furnace", "the Tibetan people 
praise Chairman Mao", "Long Live Chairman Mao and the Chinese 
Communist Party", "Sinkiang Folk Song", and "Store Grain Every- 
where". Several of these songs clearly sprang from Chinese roots. In 
others the influences of Tchaikowsky and Khachaturian seemed to be 
mingled with the haunting style of Russian Red Army songs. 


Our Chinese hosts knew that we had been somewhat disappointed 
not to have seen in Shenyang an example of Liaoning heavy industry. 
This may have caused them to include a visit to the Internal Com- 
bustion Locomotive Factory during our stay in Dairen. The Vice 
Chairman of its Revolutionary Committee welcomed us and gave 
us an account of the factory's history and present operations. The 
factory was 76 years old, having been put into operation initially by 
the Russians as a locomotive repair facility with primitive equipment 
and negligible productive capacity. During Dairen's occupation by 
the Japanese, its capacity remained much the same. After Liberation, 
however, the factory progressed from being a repair facility to a 
producer of steam locomotives. In due course, it progressed from steam 
locomotives to 2,000 horsepower diesel engines. Currently, the factory 
is producing 4,000 horsepower diesel engines. 

Great changes had taken place in the workshops and in the machines 
they used and produced. Output was 16 times pre-Liberation and twice 
that of pre-Cultural Revolution. There had been severe and continu- 
ing class struggle in the development of current production methods. 
We were reminded that during the Stalinist era the U.S.S.R. extended 
considerable technical assistance to China, and in that connection had 
promised designs and equipment to make diesel locomotives. By 1958 
a start had been made in producing them. However, post-Stalin 
Russia betrayed China, tore up its contracts, withdrew personnel, re- 
moved equipment, and tried to strangle the Chinese. Indignant with 


the perfidious Soviet revisionists, the broad masses, following Chair- 
man Mao's teachings, were determined to catch up from this setback. 
Workers and cadres were inspired by the goal of self-reliance to keep 
things in their own hands and to mobilize the collective wisdom. In 
this way. workers began to produce their 2,000 horsepower diesel 
locomotives by 1964. They had overcome the blockade of the U.S.S.R. 
And now the factory has the personnel to do the necessary jobs by 
themselves. Since the Cultural Revolution they have criticized Lin 
Piao and Teng Hsiao-p'ing, studied Chairman Mao's thoughts and 
benefited from a great change in spirit. They have learned from Tach- 
ing in increasing mass participation of workers, cadres, and tech- 
nicians in going full steam ahead toward their present achievement 
of making 4,000 horsepower diesel locomotives as their contribution 
to the railway system of the People's Republic of China. Over recent 
years they have instituted 1,300 technical innovations, 60 assembly 
lines, and' 34 new technologies. There remained many shortcomings in 
the factory's production system, including the incompleteness of as- 
sembly lines. But these, they say, will be overcome step by step. 

When questioned, our hosts reported that although the majority of 
locomotives in China were still steam engines, diesel engines were being 
produced in Tsingtao, Peking, as well as Dairen. Our hosts had some 
difficulty in remembering exactly when the U.S.S.R. had stripped and 
taken away equipment from the old plant, presumably recalling that 
this had happened during the Stalin era which by and large is thought 
of as being more to be admired than the "predatory" Khrushchev and 
Brezhnev regimes which followed. It was readily stated that the 1975 
plan called for production of 100 diesel locomotives, but it was not 
reported how many had actually been produced. Xo one appeared to 
know what the cost of producing one might be. Nevertheless, we saw 
a crowded assembly line, and we rode on one, just completed. 

Before we left the Dairen Internal Combustion Locomotive Factory 
we were introduced to the teaching staff of the factory kindergarten. 
Freshly washed, healthy, alert, responsive, and bright children were 
practicing the Chinese martial arts and playing table games. They 
danced for us. they sang songs, and they recited. Through their voices 
we were reminded of the yearning of the Chinese people to be reunited 
with their brothers on Taiwan. We were also reminded of the villainy 
of Liu Shao-ch'i and Teng Hsiao-p'ing, and the Soviet revisionists. 


The Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of Liaoning 
Province, whom I had met before, was our host at a performance of 
the Shenyang Acrobatic Troupe. This was the same troupe which 
dazzled American audiences on television and live, in Xew York and 
Washington, D.C.. in Chicago, and in Indianapolis, except that these 
performers were only the most gifted of young apprentices in that 
company. Their ages ranged from 11 to 18.' Their acrobatic skills and 
their histrionic flair matched, however, their teachers' — or so it seemed 
to us. From them we also were given a reminder of the yearning of the 
Chinese people to be reunited with their brothers on Taiwan. 


July 20, 1976 {Soochow) 

We arrived in Soochow after a 2-hour flight from Dairen to 
Shanghai and slightly more than 1 hour on the train from Shanghai 
to Soochow. There were immediately perceptible differences between 
Liaoning and Kiangsu provinces. The weather was much hotter and 
the humidity greater. The population density was incomparably 
greater. People seemed to be working harder. Farms and gardens were 
more luxuriant. There was water everywhere, in rivers, canals and in 
the rice fields. Water buffalo were in use as beasts of burden. The en- 
virons of Soochow seemed to be more colorful, in flowers seen and in 
the costumes worn by the people. The people seen from the train win- 
dow and at roadside seemed, however, to be somewhat less healthy, and 
to include a higher proportion of the very old and the infirm. There 
was in the atmosphere, however, style and vitality. 

The Chief of the Soochow Revolutionary Committee's Foreign Af- 
fairs Department welcomed our party and told us something about 
Soochow. It is an ancient city with a population of about 540,000 peo- 
ple in an area of 121 square kilometers laced by waterways, canals, 
and rivers. It is known as "water country." To its southwest is Taihu 
Lake, one of the four or five largest inland bodies of water in China. 
Before Liberation there was a saying that there are more pagodas 
than chimneys in Soochow and more temples than factories. There is 
another and very old saying that heaven is above, and below there 
are Soochow and Hangchow. Soochow has abundant rain. Agricul- 
tural output is plentiful. The scenery is beautiful. 

Before Liberation, we were told, Soochow was a consumer city. It 
was becoming a center for industrial production. Soochow has always 
been famous for its handicrafts, embroidery, sandalwood carving, and 
its silks. It has also been famous for its many gardens; many are clas- 
sical in design, striving to capture the bigness of nature through the 
arrangement, in miniature, of stones and plants and water. 

Our party was escorted by our hosts to one of the most celebrated 
of Soochow's gardens, the "Humble Administrator's Garden," de- 
signed and created by an architect and poet of the Ming Dynasty some 
400 years ago and now designated as a national treasure by the state 
council. There are 100 such gardens in Soochow with some of them 
dating back to the Sung Dynasty (A.D. 907-A.D. 1279). Twelve of 
these gardens are subsidized by the government and open to the pub- 
lic. The one we visited attracts some 1,000-1,500 visitors daily, with 
visitors from Shanghai and other places coming to see it on holidays. 
A trifling fee of 5 fen, or about 2y 2 cents, is charged for admission. 


Our hosts had arranged for us to attend an entertainment staged 
by the Young Red Guards of Soochow at the Revolutionary Commit- 
tee's £uest house auditorium. Participating in the entertaiiunent was 
a well disciplined orchestra made ud of violins, cellos, Chinese violins, 
a dulcimer, a flute, Chinese "guitars'', Chinese "mandolins", cymbals, 
and drums. One vocal number was a choral rendition of "Yearning for 
Reunification with our Brothers on Taiwan''. Other songs were on the 


themes of "Son of the Red Star", "Morning at Liaoning Mountain". 
"General Mao Sent for his Daughter", and similar themes. A tiny 
piccolo produced bird sounds, with antiphonal responses from the 
orchestra. There was a narrative dance by some six year olders telling 
the story of a laggard in the study of the abacus who was reformed 
by his teacher and his fellow students. There was an exercise in 
miming, with orchestral accompaniment, showing how a barber can 
learn by doing, with some painful results for those upon whom lie 
practiced. And. there were reminders of the existence of Chinese 
minority groups in Mongolia and elsewhere. 

July 21, 1076 (Soochoic) 

This day was devoted to becoming acquainted with the organiza- 
tion and activity of the Tung T'ing People's Commune. It resembled 
the commune we had seen in Loyang in that one was seldom allowed to 
forget the importance of ideology and in the fact that most of its im- 
provement in levels of productive activity depended directly or indi- 
rectly upon the availability of electric power. It differed from the 
Loyang commune in that resources seemed to be more abundant, nature 
more kind, innovation less dramatic, and the continuities betAveen 
ancient purposes and methods of productive activity and those used 
today more obvious. 

We were told that the Tung T'ing People's Commune was located 
on a peninsula thrusting into Taihu Lake, with water on three sides. 
It had a population of 46,000 people, organized in thirty production 
brigades and 237 production teams living in four townships. Following 
the teachings of Chairman Mao, there had been a mass movement to- 
wards learning from Tachai. The raising of political consciousness 
had given great impetus to production. 

The output of the commune was diversified. The commune raised 
food grains, fruits, aquatic products, tea — for which it was famous 
throughout China — and silk cocoons. May and November are harvest 
periods for the fruits produced in Tung T'ing Commune — greengage 
plums, loquats, arbutus, peaches, watermelons, juju nuts, dates, figs. 
chestnuts, ginko nuts, tangerines, and pomegranates. 

The aquatic products of Tung T'ing People's Commune come from 
almost 2000 acres of fish ponds, as well as from Taihu Lake. There is 
fish farming of sixty-four kinds of fish and of shrimp. 

Prior to the Cultural Revolution, there was only one harvest of 
cocoons, the work of worms feeding upon mulberry tree leaves. Now 
there arc five harvests spread through the spring, summer, and autumn. 

Since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, there has been a 
marked improvement in living standards of the workers, accompanied 
by increased overall production, and the creation of surpluses avail- 
able both to the commune and to the workers themselves. This has 
come about because leaders have become more energetic and because 
workers have gained greater political consciousness. Carrying out the 
instructions of the great leader, Chairman Mao, the masses have seen 
class struggle ns the key link and have learned from Tachai. The 
health and vitality of the people can be attributed, in part, to a vigor- 


cms mass movement in the field of culture and sports and to the activ- 
ities of barefoot doctors and medical teams. 

Our hosts took us on a conducted tour through a silkworm farm, 
to a fish farm, and to a terraced farm area. They also showed us a small 
museum in which were exhibited recently unearthed items discovered 
in the Soochow region since the Cultural Revolution which could be 
dated back to the paleolithic era, the neolithic era, and the more recent 
T'ang and Ming dynasties. In this museum there were also souvenirs 
from the Taip'ing Rebellion, samples of equipment used by the New 
Fourth Army in the revolutionary period and in the war against the 
Japanese, and samples of the writing of Chairman Mao, together with 
coins and stamps honoring him. In a nearby pavilion our party was in- 
troduced to some "educated youth/' assigned to Tung T'ing Commune. 
These had come from Shanghai to take part in the productive activity 
of the commune, in the health work of the commune, and in various 
educational activities. 

There were 1,200 educated youths among the 46,000 who lived in 
Tung T'ing People's Commune. Those who had come from outside 
expected to stay at the commune their whole lives to do their part 
in Socialist reconstruction. Young people in the commune stood a good 
chance of going to university if the} T could show outstanding per- 
formance on the farms. Ten had been selected from the commune 
last year for advanced study, and they had chosen to specialize in 
electricity, animal husbandry, aquatics, medical studies, education, 
with the expectation of returning after 3 years. They had been sent 
to seven different universities. 


As an illustration of Soochow's accomplishments as a center of 
handicrafts, we were shown the Soochow Sandalwood Fan Factory. 
We were told that in 1955 40 workers, inspired by an upsurge of com- 
mon feeling, set up a fanmaking cooperative. Now there were 520 
workers in the plant. In 1955, 15 varieties of fans were made; 
there are now 120. In 1955, only several thousand sandalwood fans 
were made every year, but by 1976 production was at the rate of 200,- 
000 a year. 

Sandalwood fans have been made over the past 100 years, with the 
history of bamboo fans considerably longer. In 1955, 10,000 silk fans 
were produced; in 1976, 2 million. Silk fans have had a 2,000 3 T ear 
history. Sandalwood has a naturally pleasant fragrance and accepts 
very fine workmanship on its surfaces, mainly birds and flowers, 
figures and landscapes. Designs are both incised and burnt, with ex- 
traordinary delicac}^. At one time, such fans were used to cool the 
user. Now they are more often regarded as pieces of art. We were told 
that it took from 2 to 3 years to learn the craft of the sandalwood fan- 
maker. Sixty percent of the factory's output is sold abroad. 

July 22, 1076 {Soochoic and Shanghai) 

Our hosts had arranged for us to visit the Soochow Embroidery Re- 
search Institute where we were told by our hostess, with pride, that 


the making of Chinese embroideries had a 2,000 year tradition. In 
ancient times work was done in homes. This domestic activity was 
difficult to organize and to develop. After Liberation, with the leader- 
ship of Chairman Mao, a start was made in bringing together workers 
in this field. During the period of "Letting 100 Flowers Bloom," a 
great variety of activity in this field surfaced. 

Three in one groups, made up of workers, cadres, and technicians. 
refined and elaborated techniques already available — and redefined 
the subjects upon which it was worthwhile to concentrate. Our hostess 
showed us samples of fish and birds, portraits of individuals in minor- 
ity groups, a portrait of a leading worker at Taching. a representa- 
tion of the bridge across the Yangtze, and the Chengtu-Kunming rail- 
road. She showed us an embroidery representing the two sides of a 
goldfish which had taken three months to produce, and which had in- 
volved the separation of forty-eight strands of a single thread, over 
and over again to produce the needed furry or feathery effects. All of 
these artistic works carried only the signature of the Embroidery Re- 
search Institute. 

As to eyestrain, she pointed out that we could see that most of the 
workers did not use glasses. This included a man sixty-six years old. 
He had stayed on beyond his retirement age in order to teach his 
younger colleagues. At the Institute, workers were ordered to rest 
after each two hours and to engage in a simple but highly effective 
set of four exercises designed to rest and to stimulate the eyes. There 
had been much planting of greenery in the area so as to soften the 
light. The Institute had its own medical clinic to take care of any ex- 
ceptional difficulties. 

From the Soochow Embroidery Research Institute we were taken 
up Tiger Hill where, in the shadow of its leaning pagoda, which dates 
back 1,014 years, we were able to hear current attitudes towards 
archaeological investigation. Actually, there is a tomb close to the 
foundation of this pagoda which may contain artifacts dating back 
to the Wu Kingdom, 600 years B.C. Nevertheless, Chinese archaeol- 
ogists are recommending that this tomb not yet be opened, pending 
further study of its history and of the stability of adjacent streams 
and buildings. 


A world famous collection of Shang Dynasty bronzes has been 
assembled at the Shanghai Museum. Our Chinese hosts and the cu- 
rators of this museum discussed with us this collection, both in artistic 
terms and in terms of the story these bronzes tell of class struggle 
through the whole evolution of the Chinese culture. They identified 
for us evidence of China's early slave society, of the evolution of 
feudalism, and of the social changes that took place when China was 
unified under the Ch'in Dynasty. They differentiated between the role 
of the masters and the role of the working masses in the evolution 
of early Chinese civilization. They spoke of how they were taking 
samples of their collections throughout the countryside so as to help 
farmers and factory workers to identify as relics what they might dis- 
cover in the digging and development of land necessary in moderniz- 
ing China in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River. 


Our hosts spoke of how the museum itself was organized after it 
was opened in 1952 in the former premises of the Bank of China. 
The museum staff engaged in research, investigation, publication, and 
education. The Cultural Revolution, they reported, greatly en- 
couraged gaining understanding of the past to understand the present. 
It was important to understand the present from the viewpoint of 
historical materialism. The museum staff said that the fact that they 
had researched 120 tombs during the period of the Cultural Revolution 
refuted completely the charge that the Cultural Revolution had 
brought about indifference to and destruction of China's ancient relics. 
On the contrary, the museum's mobile exhibitions had been a useful 
way to bring to the masses the lessons of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti's sup- 
port of the legalists in his struggle with the Conf ucianists. This was a 
procedure greeted with enthusiasm and gratitude by the masses in 
factories, on the farms, and in the army. Teng Hsiao-p'ing had no 
understanding of Chairman Mao's view that the past could be used to 
serve the present. 

To conclude our briefing, the curators of the Shanghai Museum pro- 
duced for us a remarkable stored collection of rare scrolls containing 
calligraphy and painting dating back to the Sung Dynasty but mainly 
representing the work of some of the foremost painters of the Ming 

July 23, 1976 {Shanghai) 

In response to my expressed desire to see how ordinary Chinese 
people lived, our Chinese hosts arranged for our party to visit the 
Feng Cheng Workers' New Residential Area in Shanghai, where we 
were given a briefing and a tour of the area. 

This residential area was built in 1952, just after the Liberation, 
on what had been previously wasteland. Twenty or thirty families, 
then, amounted to a population of under 200. Now the residential area 
comprises 317,000 square meters, with a population of 40,000 in almost 
10,000 households. They have their own department store, foodstuffs 
stores, vegetable market, restaurant, bank, post office, and so on. There 
are nine separate living quarters which have access to four nurseries, 
four kindergartens, seven primary schools, and three middle schools. 
They have their cultural center where films and operas are staged. 
They have a sports stadium and two parks. They have nine coopera- 
tive medical centers, an outpatient hospital and 30 barefoot doctors 
engaged both in treatment and in preventive medicine. Persons 
seriously ill are sent to nearby Hsinhua hospital. All children and 
adults, as necessary, are routinely inoculated for smallpox, measles, 
whooping cough, encephalitis, polio, and cholera. 

The majorit^y of the inhabitants of this residential area are work- 
ers. However, residents also include doctors, teachers, and so forth. 
Since 1958 housewives in this area have undertaken to organize them- 
selves in a variety of work activities. They have created 12 work- 
shops which produce machine parts, clothing, flashlight bulbs, elec- 
trical transformers, and engage in various repair functions. There are 
in excess of 1,000 retired workers in the area living on 70 percent of 
their pre-retirement wages and getting free medical and other welfare 
services. They have* organized themselves for the study of Marx, Lenin, 
and the principles of Chairman Mao. They also have joined in a va- 


riety of social welfare activities, in teaching and propaganda work, 
in family planning programs, in study of the "bitter past" and in 
health and hygiene programs. The area operates a multipurpose 
service center with 1,000 employees participating. 

Our party went through a high precision workshop formerly em- 
ploying housewives and now employing a great many young people. 

Our hosts allowed us to break up into separate visits to individual 
apartments. One of these, and not likely to be a typical one, was 
occupied by a retired grandmother, now 58 years old. She had begun 
her working life at the age of 13 in a textile factory. She cannot 
write and can read only little. Her husband, at age 59, continues to 
work at the textile mill. Her daughter and her son-in-law are working 
in Soochow while leaving their two children with their grandmother. 
The appearance of visitors caught this grandmother by surprise but 
in no way undid her. She answered all questions quite readily. She 
remembered the bitterness of her life in preliberation Shanghai, re- 
calling, especially, the horrifying impact on ordinary people of run- 
away inflation, the long hours of workers, the lack of any adequate 
housing, and the unremitting fear of disease. She had lived in her 
present apartment for 18 years, that is from 1958. With four 
incomes to support it, she lived very comfortably, she said. The fam- 
ily had bought a television set of its own by saving 300 yuan within 
6 months from their four incomes. In response to questions, she said 
that it was rare to have a problem with flies. There were occasional 
mosquitoes but they would be attacked using DDT, and every Thurs- 
day there was a neighborhood campaign, supervised by the hospital, 
to purify stagnant water and to treat garbage. In the summers it was 
too hot for her to stir very far from the apartment. 

In the winters she would go to Shanghai and look at the shops along 
Nanking Eoad, and even, occasionally, she would go to Soochow. Her 
apartment had its private toilet (but no bath or shower) and access 
to an electrified kitchen which was shared with the next door neigh- 
bor. One bathed at the factory. The single living room /bedroom con- 
tained two beds, and in one corner eight suitcases were stacked from 
floor to ceiling. Throughout this conversation the smaller child sat on 
her grandmother's lap. The larger child, perhaps eleven, audited the 
interchange between his grandmother and her visitors, as interpreted 
by an English speaking member of the Revolutionary Committee's 
staff, with quiet amusement. Whereas, in 1972, the only interior dec- 
oration was likely to be a portrait of Chairman Mao, now there are 
family photographs, flowers, natural and wax, ornaments, toys and 
the almost inevitable radio. 

Our party was conducted through one of the residential area's kin- 
dergartens. The 250 pupils attending were organized into six classes 
under the supervision of a staff of twenty-two. We were steered into 
a classroom where children of five and a half to six years old were 
talking about the Cultural Revolution. Who led the Cultural Revo- 
lution, they were asked: Chairman Mao was the shouted response. 
Why? — was asked next: Because Liu Shao-ch'i tried to subvert the 
correct line and if that happened capitalism would be restored and 
the worker would suffer. It came out, in addition, that Teng Ilsiao- 
p'ing was also subverting the correct line and Chairman Mao had 
decided to stop this. The children declared, primly, that capitalist 


loaders had been endangering the progress of the people ever since 
the Liberation. Their feat of memory was formidable. 

In another room children of four and a half to five years old were 
given materials to draw and to paint. Several of them had produced 
cartoons depicting a villainous Teng Hsiao-p'ing. 

In still another room we saw children packaging small electric light 
bulbs in a procedure which was frankly acknowledged to be "physical 
labor.*' They expertly eliminated all faulty bulbs. This work was done 
for only one day in a week b}^ the children and was explained as being 
part of the process of learning by doing. 

In another room a group of kindergarten children was enacting a 
scene involving barefoot doctors. In another, eight slightly older girls 
went through the shawl dance choreography that we were to see later 
done professionally. Others of the children were singing and chanting 
about the Cultural Revolution, and about Teng Hsiao-p'ing. There 
was a tambourine dance done by children in the costume of a Sinkiang 
minority tribe, and a pantomime involving the comic harassment of a 
diminutive old peasant, with mustache. 

The children who engaged in all of these activities were the very 
picture of health, vitality, and innocent delight. 


My party was given a farewell luncheon by the Vice Chairman of 
the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee, Feng Kuo-chu. 
Hearing about our morning activity, he observed that the neighbor- 
hood committee is the basic unit in the Chinese system and was pleased 
that our party had had opportunities during our travels to gain some 
acquaintance with how it functioned. Although after two decades the 
standard of living of the Chinese people was not high, he said, really 
earthshaking changes had taken place for them as compared with 
their preliberation circumstances, within which they were bullied 
and exploited. 

The masses were not affluent but they were well-fed, clothed, and 
housed. They were beneficiaries of a steady development process, and 
socialist construction meant that although few had property, such as 
private automobile transportation, people were now moving on bicy- 
cles and had access to steadily improving public transportation. 

In fact, for Shanghai, transportation was becoming an increasingly 
serious problem. This problem, however, raised quite different issues 
from the problems created by the poverty of the past and could be 
overcome by needed remedies. One remedy must be to continue to deal 
effectively with the underlying difficulty of continuing population 
growth which must be kept at the same level or, hopefully, be de- 
creased. Taking up, for the first time, actually, since our departure from 
Peking, the broader questions of Chinese foreign relations, he recalled 
the fact that Shanghai had been the site of completing the negotiation 
of the Shanghai Communique in February 1972. He repeated what 
we had heard before in Peking — that there should be early implemen- 
tation of the Shanghai Communique in a serious and forward moving 
manner, with the understanding that solving the question of Taiwan's 
place within One China was, unconditionally, an internal matter for 
the People's Republic of China. He said that Taiwan was a province 


of China and that China would never accept any Two China or One 
China-One Taiwan, or Independent Taiwan solution for the difficulty 
arising from China's unsettled civil war. He told us that, on the Chi- 
nese side, there was readiness to talk and to trade with their Chinese 
brothers on Taiwan. He wanted us to understand that impediments to 
these and other relationships were created entirely by the regime on 
Taiwan. On my side, I admitted that there always seemed to be some 
limits to patience but the rewards of patience outweighed the penalties 
of impatience. 


The Hsu Plui Spare Time Sports School happens to be located op- 
posite the pre-Liberation Shanghai American School on the former 
Avenue Petain and just beside the former Community Church. (The 
American School plant is no longer used as a school. We could not 
discover to what purpose the church plant was being put.) The spare 
time sports program was set up in 1956 under instruction of Chairman 
Mao. It has 400 students, supervised by a staff of thirty. It specializes 
in tennis, ping pong, swimming, g}-mnastics, and Chinese martial arts. 
Other sports are learned and practiced at another place. The students 
at this sports school range in age from nine to eighteen and have been 
chosen to participate because their ideology is sound, their academic 
achievements respectable, and their talents promising. Students en- 
gage in training for their chosen sport three hours on each of five days 
a week after school. The faculty, repudiating Lin Piao, Teng Hsiao- 
p'ing, and Confucius, denies that either to win or to achieve outstand- 
ing skill is the purpose of sport. Friendship comes first, and competi- 
tion second. The purpose of sport is to serve the interests of the worker, 
the peasant, and the soldier, and to promote friendship among people 
of the world. 

Our party was allowed to observe the skills of the students. One 
Chinese girl played tennis of what was quite clearly tournament qual- 
ity. She was poised, graceful, fit, aggressive, and an accomplished 
stylist. Xone of the young men wo saw demonstrated comparable com- 
petitive potential. The scores of students who were practicing ping 
ppng demonstrated a brilliance of style with which the world has al- 
ready became acquainted. Boys and girls were practicing their swim- 
ming together and all could use the back, breast, butterfly and free 
>ty\v strokes without evidence that they had tried to specialize in 
mastering the discipline of any one of them. 

Six boys and six girls demonstrated what seemed to be equal skill 
and enthusiasm in their display of Chinese martial arts — exercises in 
svoi'd play, with spear and shield, simulated wrestling, and various 
group formations. All participated as a group, but each was given a 
chance to star, individually. Boy and girl gymnasts also exercised 
together. It was notieeaWe that the coaches stood very close by, pro- 
tectively and siipportively. during the most difficult and dangerous 
of their floor and horizontal bar exercises. 

The rhetoric of the sports school was egalitarian but there was 
frequent and obvious revelation of strong competitive drive. Although 
denied, the drive to succeed, to win. is there. 

Our party was allowed to break up into separate activity for the 
balance of the afternoon. Some went to bookshops, where it was dis- 


covered that the cost of books was trifling, that the availability of 
foreign publications was virtually nonexistent, and that Marxist 
literature and the writings of Chairman Mao and of other Chinese 
communist writers had been translated into many languages besides 
English. Some went to the Shanghai Industrial Exhibition, where 
briefings were given in English by young Chinese women who had 
clarifying things to say about machine building, metallurgy, shipbuild- 
ing, the chemical industry, telecommunications, electrical machinery, 
and so forth. One could see models of ships built in Shanghai, in 
increasing size and number since the Cultural Revolution. There were 
models of dredges and ice-breakers. 

There was a display of Shanghai's achievements in the field of 
producing petrochemicals, pesticides, and conversion of herbs into 
pills. There was a display of the varieties of automobiles now being 
produced in Shanghai, passenger cars, busses, and trucks, There were 
models of large forty-five horsepower tractors and ten horsepower 
walking tractors. There was an array of machines used in rice 
transplantation and rice and wheat processing. As compared with 
Shenyang's industrial exhibition, Shanghai's seemed to be more 
sophisticated and, perhaps, more consumer-oriented. It is impossible 
to determine, in going through these exhibitions, what the scale of 
actual production is for many of the products on display, or through 
what kind of distribution system the product is made available to 
consumers across the country. 


Our hosts arranged for us to witness a program put on by the 
Shanghai Song and Dance Troupe. This was the company which had 
planned to visit the United States and cancelled its trip because it 
refused to drop from its program the song about the yearning of the 
Chinese people for the liberation of their brothers on Taiwan. Eight 
stylish ballet dancers, men and women, staged a scarf dance, the 
primitive version of which we had seen in a kindergarten. Women 
ballet dancers also worked through the choreography of a narrative 
about the women militia. A Chinese "clarinet" produced the sounds of 
100 birds. It was a rich baritone voice that sang the song about the 
liberation of Taiwan. There were orchestral numbers and there were 
acrobatic and comic performers. The most excited audience reaction 
was given to a somewhat corpulent and extremely suave performer 
on the two string Chinese violin, an abandoned and virtuoso rendition 
of some familiar classical Chinese musical themes. He was accom- 
panied by an ensemble also playing Chinese instruments, whose group 
discipline appeared to be flawless. 

July &£, 1976 (Shanghai and Guam) 

With the prospect of departure from Shanghai for Guam at 4 :00 
p.m., our party closed its full itinerary with a visit to the Shanghai 
Municipal Ivory and Jade Carving Factory. This was, nevertheless, 
an example of the application of modern technologies to a very ancient 
craft. Our briefing was supervised by a jade carver, now Vice Chair- 
man of the Factory's Revolutionary Committee, but previous to the 


Liberation, a puller of a rickshaw. The factory was formed in 1955 as 
a production cooperative with only 17 workers. It became a 
factory in 1958 and today involved 800 workers. The carving of jade 
and ivory, he said, had a history of over 2000 years. Before the Libera- 
tion, carving was done individually in separate places. The Kuo- 
mintang gave such art forms no support and workers committed to 
this craft suffered. 

In fact, the art form was almost extinguished. After Liberation, 
however, with the encouragement of Chairman Mao and the Chinese 
communist party, the carving of jade and ivory regained new life. The 
first step was to organize old and skilled workers. Then, it was neces- 
sary to search for needed raw materials, "emeralds" (actually fei tsui 
jade) agate, white jade, coral and so forth, from Yunnan, Sinkiang, 
Kweichow, and elsewhere in China. Elephant tusks came from the 
province of Yunnan. A surge of interest in design came during the 
period of Chairman Mao's "Letting 100 Flowers Bloom. 7 ' 

The factory's work was additionally encouraged by Chairman 
Mao's principle that the past should serve the present and an under- 
standing that it required analyzing the past, drawing from it what 
was good — not reactionary — for the present. Thus, the factory, in 
using the skills of the past, had tried to improve the content of its 
artistic output by showing the spirit of socialism, the enthusiasm of 
the people, and the excellent situation of the people under the leader- 
ship of Chairman Mao. There was a jade carving at the Shanghai 
Industrial Exhibition weighing 2y 2 tons, which took a half a year to 
prepare, and 2% years to proeluce. It developed the theme of climbing 
the highest mountain peak in China. In carrying through with this 
project the workers drew upon the actual experience of climbers 
and obtained from their team leader needed details. This piece of 
carving showed that there was no fear of difficulties in achieving 
success if one followed the line of Chairman Mao's thought. Criticism 
of Teng Hsiao-p'ing, toelay, raises the class consciousness of the 
masses and makes clear to artists for whom they are working; they 
are working for the proletariat. 

In our tour through this remarkable factory we observed the use of 
steel bits and emery sand but also of diamond bits which whirled at a 
rate of 10.000 revolutions per minute. Of some of the items being 
worked on, their complexity would require the attention of a worker, 
even using such equipment, for 2 to 3 years. On one item, two artists 
had been working together for 2 years. Some of the output represented 
mere copying from prototypes. A great deal of the output, however, 
seemed to represent the individual and unsupervised work of an in- 
dividual craftsman, and of much greater variety than I had observed 
in 1972. 

Wo were tolel that 80 percent of the output of this factory was sold 
in foreign countries, a small portion was for sale in China, and the rest 
was produced for exhibition. Factories like this one existed also in 
Peking, Tientsin, Yangchow, and Kuangchow. 


At 4 p.m. our Air Force Boeing 135 took off for Guam, Honolulu 
and Washington. 



There is no satisfactory way to summarize 800 million people. 
Their mass, like the Earth, may move according to prediction or it 
may shift without prior prediction. 

How much more hazardous then is it to generalize after another all 
too brief visit ? 

Some thoughts, arising from the visible and deduced from the in- 
visible, emerge : 

In my 1972 China Report I noted "the attainment by the masses 
of a standard of living acceptable to them/' 

In 1976, this objective is on course, prices have remained stable, 
mass transportation has improved, the general standard of living ap- 
pears to have attained a modestly higher level. 

There was in 1972 stress on self-reliance, which in 1976 has been 
stepped up by China's leadership into a universal credo. This will have 
certain, but not yet predictable, impact on China's commercial rela- 
tions with others. 

We were not assisted by our Chinese acquaintances in our search 
for an answer to the question, "What comes after Mao V 

It is my opinion that no one really knows the answer. 

Tensions exist and strong divergences in points of view are being 
glossed over during this "almost inter-regnum" between the old leader- 
ship and the unemerged new. 

Whoever does emerge to lead the largest nation on earth will need 
some of the talent of the ancient Emperor Ch'in Shih Huang Ti — the 
Great Unifier. 


A. — Itinerary of the Visit of the Honorable Hugh Scott, Minority Leader, 
United States Senate, to the People's Republic of China, July 10-24, 19TG 

Saturday, July 10, 1976 

Morning : Arrived Shanghai. 

Afternoon : Departed for Peking. Met with officials of Chinese People's Institute 
of Foreign Affairs. 

Sunday, July 11, 1976 

Morning : Peking Municipal West District Optical Instruments Factory. Brief- 
ing and tour of workshops. 

Afternoon : Peking Glass Factory. Briefing and tour of workshops. 

Monday, July 12, 1976 

Morning : Peking University. Discussion and tour of classrooms, computer fa- 
cilities and library. 

Afternoon (4:00 p.m.) : Met with Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua. (dura- 
tion — 2 hours) 

Evening : Attended dinner hosted by Foreign Minister Ch'iao Kuan-hua. 

Tuesday, July 13, 1976 

Morning : Peking Municipal East District May 7th Cadre School. Briefing and 
tour of the school. 

Afternoon : Peking Museum. Exhibition of recently unearthed archaeological 
finds. 3 :00 p.m. : Met with Vice Premier Chang Ch'un-ch'iao. (duration — 2 hours) 

Evening : Dinner hosted by Senator and Mrs. Scott in honor of Chinese hosts. 

Wednesday, July 11 1976 

Morning: Flight to Chengchow (also spelled, Chen-chou). Visited Honan Pro- 
vincial Museum. 

Afternoon: Train to Loyang (also spelled Lo-yang). Visited Lungmen Caves. 

Evening : Film. 

Thursday, July 15, 1976 

Morning : Visited Hui Kuo Chen People's Commune : a. briefing ; b. film ; c. 
toured farm machinery factory ; d. pump station ; e. transformer factory. 

Lunch : At commune. 

Afternoon : Continued tour of commune : f. chemical fertilizer factory ; g. pri- 
mary school : and h. fields levelled by commune members. 

Evening : Train to Chengchow. 

Friday, July 16, 1976 

Morning : Flight to Shenyang. Briefing upon arrival. 

Afternoon : Toured Industrial Exhibition Hall. Toured Ch'ing Dynasty Palace 
and exhibition of newly unearthed cultural artifacts. 

Saturday, July 17, 1976 

Morning: Visited Liaoning Province Traditional Chinese Medicine College. 
Visited newly unearthed archaeological finds. 

Afternoon : Visited Shenyang Municipal Small Tractor Factory. Flight to 
Luta. Briefing upon arrival. 

Evening : Attended dinner hosted by Vice Chairman of Liaoning Revolutionary 
Committee Yin Ts'an-chen. 

Sunday, July 78, 1976 

Afternoon: Visited Dairen Harbor (also spelled Dalien and Luta). Briefing 
upon arrival. Tour of harbor facilities. 



Monday, July 19, 1976 

Morning : Visited Dairen Chung Shan District Underground Civil Defense Tun- 
nels. Briefing and toured tunnels and associated facilities. Visited Dairen Arts 
and Crafts Embroidery Factory. Briefing and tour of facilities. 

Afternoon : Dairen Internal Combustion Locomotive Factory. Briefing. Toured 
factory. Visited kindergarten. 

Evening : Attended performance of Shenyang Acrobatic Troupe. 

Tuesday, July 20, 1976 

Morning : Flight to Shanghai. 

Afternoon: Train to Soochow (also spelled Su-chou). Briefing upon arrival. 
Visited Humble Administrator's Garden. 

Evening : Performance by the Young Red Guards. 

Wednesday, July 21, 1976 

Morning : Visited Tung T'ing People's Commune. Briefing upon arrival. Tour 
included : a. silkworm farm ; b. fish farm ; c. terraced area ; d. meeting with Edu- 
cated Youth ; and e. newly unearthed cultural artifacts. 

Lunch : At commune. 

Afternoon : Visited Soochow Sandalwood Fan Factory. Visited Soochow Normal 

Thursday, July 22, 1976 

Morning: Visited Soochow Embroidery Research Institute. Briefing. Toured 

Afternoon : Train to Shanghai. Toured Shanghai Museum. 

Friday, July 23, 1976 

Morning : Visited Feng Ch'eng Worker's New Residential Area. Briefing. Tour 
included : a. factories ; b. homes of residents ; and c. kindergarten. 

Lunch : Attended luncheon hosted by A r ice Chairman of Revolutionary Com- 
mittee of Shanghai, Feng Kuo-chu. 

Afternoon : Hsu Hui Young People's Spare Time Sports School. 

Evening : Performance of Shanghai Song and Dance Troupe. 

Saturday, July 2J h 1976 

Morning : Visited Shanghai Municipal Jade Carving Factory. Briefing. Toured 

Afternoon (4:00 p.m.) : Departed Shanghai. 

B. Text of June 9, 1976 Letter From President Ford to Senator Hugh Scott 

The White House, 
Washington, June 9, 1976. 
Hon. Hugh Scott, 
U.S. Senate, Washington, B.C. 

Dear Hugh : One of the fundamental elements of our foreign policy is our 
new and improving relationship with the People's Republic of China. I believe 
it would be most helpful to the pursuit of that policy if you could undertake a 
visit to China in the near future. 

As Senate Minority Leader, your presence in China would underscore the 
strong support that the Sino-American relationship enjoys in the Legislative 
Branch as well as among the American people. Moreover, in view of the chang- 
ing Chinese leadership, it would be very helpful to me to have your assessment of 
the current status of Sino-American relations and of the relationship of normal- 
ization to the general situation in the Far East. Your on-the-spot understanding 
of this relationship will certainly be of great value in the consideration of any 
future questions regarding Sino-American relations which may come before the 

In the event you undertake this visit, the Executive Branch will be pleased to 
do what it can to facilitate your journey. 

With warmest personal regards, 

Gerald R. Ford. 


C. — Premier Chou En-lai's Report on the Work of the Government, 
January 17, 1975 

Report on the Work of the Government 

(Delivered on January 13, 1975 at the First Session of the Fourth National 
People's Congress of the People's Republic of China) 


Fellow deputies : In accordance with the decision of the Central Committee of 
the Communist Party of China, I shall make a report on behalf of the State Coun- 
cil to the Fourth National People's Congress on the work of the government. 

Since the Third National People's Congress, the most important event in the 
political life of the people of all nationalities in our country has been the Great 
Proletarian Cultural Revolution personally initiated and led by cur great leader 
Chairman Mao. In essence this is a great political revolution carried out by the 
proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes. It destroyed 
the bourgeois headquarters of Liu Shao-chi and of Lin Piao and smashed their 
plots to restore capitalism. The current nation-wide movement to criticize Lin 
Piao and Confucius is the continuation and deepening of this great revolution. 
The victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has consolidated the 
dictatorship of the proletariat in our country, promoted socialist construction and 
ensured that our country would stand on the side of the oppressed people and 
oppressed nations of the world. The Cultural Revolution has provided new ex- 
perience on continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat ; 
its historical significance is great and its influence far-reaching. 

In the course of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement 
to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, our people of all nationalities h:ive unfolded 
a mass movement to study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought and thus 
heightened their awareness of class struggle and the struggle between the two 
lines, and struggle-criticism-transformation in the superstructure has achieved 
major successes. The three-in-one revolutionary committees composed of the old, 
the middle-aged and the young have forged closer links with the masses. Suc- 
cessors to the cause of the proletarian revolution are maturing in large numbers. 
The proletarian revolution in literature and art exemplified by the model revolu- 
tionary theatrical works is developing in depth. The revolution in education and 
in health work is thriving. The cadres and the workers, peasants, soldiers, stu- 
dents and commercial workers are persevering on the May 7th road. Over a mil- 
lion barefoot doctors are becoming more competent. Nearly ten million school 
graduates have gone to mountainous and other rural areas. With the participation 
of workers, peasants and soldiers the Marxist theoretical contingents are 
expanding. The emergence of all these new things has strengthened the all-round 
dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie in the realm of the super- 
structure, and this further helps consolidate and develop the socialist economic 

We have overfulfilled the 3rd 5-year plan and will successfully fulfill the 4th 
5-year plan in 1975. Our country has won good harvests for 13 years running. 
The total value of agricultural output for 1974 is estimated to be 51 per cent 
higher than that for 1964. This fully demonstrates the superiority of the people's 
commune. While China's population has increased 60 per cent since the libera- 
tion of the country, grain output has increased 140 per cent and cotton 470 per 
cent. In a country like ours with ia population of nearly 800 million, we have 
succeeded in ensuring the people their basic needs in food and clothing. Gross 
industrial output for 1974 is estimated to be 190 per cent more than LG64, and 
the output of major products has greatly increased. Steel has increased 120 
per cent, coal 91 per cent, petroleum 650 per cent, electric power 200 per cent 
chemical fertilizer 330 per cent, tractors 520 per cent, cotton yarn 85 per cent 
and chemical fibres 330 per cent. Through our own efforts in these ten years we 
have completed 1,100 big and medium-sized projects, successfully carried out 
hydrogen bomb tests and launched man-made earth satellites. In contrast to the 
economic turmoil and inflation in the capitalist world, we have maintained a bal- 
ance between our national revenue and expenditure and contracted no external 
or internal debts. Prices have remained stable, the people's livelihood has 
steadily improved and socialist construction has flourished. Reactionaries at 


home and abroad asserted that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution would 
certainly disrupt the development of our national economy, but facts have now 
given them a strong rebuttal. 

Along with the people of other countries, we have won tremendous victories 
in the struggle against colonialism and imperialism, and in particular against 
the hegemonism of the superpowers. We have smashed imperialist and social 
imperialist encirclement, blockade, aggression and subversion, and have strength- 
ened our unity with the people of all countries, and especially the Third World 
countries. China's seat in the United Nations, of which she had long been illegally 
deprived, has been restored to her. The number of countries having diplomatic 
relations with us has increased to nearly 100, and more than 150 countries and 
regions bave economic and trade relations and cultural exchanges with us. Our 
struggle has won widespread sympathy and support from the people of all coun- 
tries. We have friends all over the world. 

Tempered in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement 
to criticize Lin Piao 'and Confucius, our people of all nationalities are more 
united and our army has grown stronger. Our great motherland is still more 
consolidated. All our successes are great victories for Marxism-Leninism-Mao 
Tse-tung Thought and for Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. 

Fellow deputies : The Tenth National Congress of our Party again elucidated 
the Party's basic line and policies formulated by Chairman Mao for the entire 
historical period of socialism, and pointed out even more clearly the orientation 
for continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Under 
the leadership of the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao, the 
people of all our nationalities should unite still more closely, adhere to the 
Party's basic line and policies, endeavour to fulfill the various fighting tasks 
set forth by the Party's Tenth Congress, consolidate and enhance the victories of 
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and strive for new victories in social- 
ist revolution and socialist construction. 

Our primary task is to continue to broaden, deepen and persevere in the 
movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius. The struggle between the two 
classes, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the two roads, the socialist 
and the capitalist, and between the two lines, the Marxist and the revisionist, 
is long and tortuous and at times even becomes very acute. We must never relax 
our criticism of Lin Piao and Confucious because of the big successes already 
achieved in this movement. We should go on deepening the criticism of Lin 
Piao's revisionist line and the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius, and in line 
with the principle of making the past serve the present, sum up the historical 
experience of the struggle between the Confucian and the Legalist schools and of 
class struggle as a whole, build up a vast Marxist theoretical force in the course 
of struggle and use Marxism to occupy all spheres in the superstructure. The key 
to the fulfilment of this task is for the cadres and the masses to study works by 
Marx, Engles, Lenin and Stalin and by Chairman Mao assiduously in order to arm 
themselves with the basic theories of Marxism. Through the criticism of Lin Piao 
and Confucius, we should further advance the revolution in literature and art, in 
education and in health work, promote struggle-criticism-transformation on 
various fronts and support all the new things so as the better to keep to the 
socialist orientation. 

Under the leadership of the Party, we should strengthen revolutionary com- 
mittees at all levels. Leading bodies at all levels should become more conscious 
of the need to implement Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and should main- 
tain closer ties with the masses. We should make active efforts to train young 
cadres, women cadres and minority nationality cadres, and make a point of 
selecting outstanding workers and poor and lower-middle peasants for leading 
posts. We should have better staff and simpler administration with fewer levels. 
New and veteran cadres should learn from each other and strengthen their 
unity, and they should be ready to work at any post, high or low, persist in 
collective productive labour and whole-heartedly serve the people. 

We should strictly distinguish between the two different types of contradic- 
tions and handle them correctly, implement the Party's policies conscientiously 
and ensure that the task of consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat is 
fulfilled right through to the grass-roots level. We should rely on the broad masses 
to deal steady, accurate and hard blows at the handful of class enemies, with 
the emphasis on accuracy. We should earnestly strive to do well in resolving 
contradictions among the people with democratic methods in accordance with 
the principle of unity — criticism and self-criticism — unity, and thus give full play 
to the masses' enthusiasm for socialism. 


The unification of our country, the unity of our people and the unity of our 
various nationalities — these are the basic guarantees of the sure triumph of our 
cause. We should strengthen the great unity of the people of all our nationalities. 
We should whole-heartedly rely on the working class and the poor and lower- 
middle peasants, unite with the other working people and the many intellectuals 
and further develop the revolutionary united front which, led by the working 
class and based on the worker-peasant alliance, includes the patriotic democratic 
parties, patriotic personages, patriotic overseas Chinese and our compatriots in 
Hongkong and Macao. We should unite over 95 per cent of the cadres and the 
masses and unite with all the forces that can be united within a joint effort to 
build our great socialist motherland. 

Socialist revolution is the powerful engine for developing the social productive 
forces. We must adhere to the principle of grasping revolution, promoting pro- 
duction and other work and preparedness against war, and with revolution in 
command, work hard to increase production and speed up socialist construction 
so that our socialist system will have a more solid material foundation. 

On Chairman Mao's instructions, it was suggested in the Report on the Work 
of the Government to the Third National People's Congress that we might en- 
visage the development of our national economy in two stages beginning from 
the Third Five-Year Plan : The first stage is to build an independent and rela- 
tively comprehensive industrial and economic system in 15 years, that is before 
1980 ; the second stage is to accomplish the comprehensive modernization of 
agriculture, industry, national defence and science and technology before the end 
of the century, so that our national economy will be advancing in the front ranks 
of the world. 

We should fulfil or overfulfil the Fourth Five-Year Plan in 1975 in order to 
reinforce the foundations for completing the first stage before 1980 as envisaged 
above. In the light of the situation at home and abroad, the next ten years are 
crucial for accomplishing what has been envisaged for the two stages. In this 
period we shall not only build an independent and relatively comprehensive 
industrial and economic system, but march towards the splendid goal set for the 
second stage. With this objective in mind, the State Council will draw up a 
long-range Ten- Year Plan, Five-Year Plans and annual plans. The Ministries 
and Commissions under the State Council and the local Revolutionary Commit- 
tees at all levels down to the industrial and mining enterprises and production 
teams and other grass-roots units should all arouse the masses to work out their 
plans through full discussion and strive to attain our splendid goal ahead of 

In order to keep on expanding our socialist economy, we must persist in the 
general line of going all out, aiming high and achieving greater, faster, better 
and more economical results in building socialism and continue to apply the 
policy of taking agriculture as the foundation and industry as the leading factor 
and the series of policies of walking on two legs. We should work out the na- 
tional economic plan in this order of priorities: agriculture, light industry, 
heavy industry. We should give full play to the initiative of both central and 
local authorities under the state's unified planning. We should implement the 
Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Company still better and deepen the mass 
movements — in industry, learn from Taching and in agriculture, learn from 
T achat. 

While tackling economic tasks, our leading comrades at all levels must pay 
close attention to the socialist revolution in the realm of the superstructure and 
keep a firm grasp on class struggle and the struggle between the two lines. 
Only when we do well in revolution is it possible to do well in production. We 
should thoroughly criticize revisionism, criticize capitalist tendencies and criti- 
cize such erroneous ideas and styles of work as servility to things foreign, the 
doctrine of trailing behind at a snail's pace, and extravagance and waste. 

Chairman Mao points out, "Rely mainly on our own efforts while making 
external assistance subsidiary, break down blind faith, go in for industry, agri- 
culture and technical and cultural revolutions independently, do away with 
slavishncss, bury dogmatism, learn from the good experience of other countries 
conscientiously and be sure to study their bad experience too, so as to draw 
lessotts from it. This is our liner This line has enabled us to break the imperial- 
ist blockade and withstand social-imperialist pressure, and the progress of our 
economy has been sound and vigorous all along, regardless of economic fluctua- 
tions and crises in the capitalist world. We must always adhere to this line. 
Fellow deputies: The present international situation is still characterized by 
great disorder under heaven, a disorder which is growing greater and greater. 


The capitalist world is facing the most serious economic crisis since the war, 
and all the basic contradictions in the world are sharpening. On the one hand' 
the trend of revolution by the people of the world is actively developing ; coun- 
tries want independence, nations want liberation, and the people want revolu- 
tion — this has become an irresistible historical current. On the other hand, the 
contention for world hegemony between the two superpowers, the United States 
and the Soviet Union, is becoming more and more intense. Their contention has 
extended to every corner of the world, the focus of their contention being Europe. 
Soviet social-imperialism "makes a feint to the east while attacking in the west". 
The two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, are the biggest 
international oppressors and exploiters today and they are the source of a new 
world war. Their fierce contention is bound to lead to world war some day. The 
people of all countries must get prepared. Detente and peace are being talked 
about everywhere in the world ; it is precisely this that shows there is no detente, 
let alone lasting peace, in this world. At present, the factors for both revolution 
and war are increasing. Whether war gives rise to revolution or revolution pre- 
vents war, in either case the international situation will develop in a direction 
favourable to the people and the future of the world will be bright. 

We should continue to implement Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in foreign 
affairs, always keep the people in mind, place our hopes on them and do our 
external work better. We should uphold proletarian internationalism and 
strengthen our unity with the socialist countries and all the oppressed people 
and oppressed nations of the world, with each supporting the other. We should 
ally ourselves with all the forces in the world that can be allied with to combat 
colonialism, imperialism and above all superpower hegemonism. We are ready 
to establish or develop relations with all countries on the basis of the five prin- 
ciples of peaceful coexistence. 

The Third World is the main force in combating colonialism, imperialism and 
hegemonism. China is a developing socialist country belongng to the Third 
World. We should enhance our unity with the countries and people of Asia, 
Africa and Latin America and resolutely support them in their struggle to win 
or safeguard national independence, defend their state sovereignty, protect their 
national resources and develop their national economy. We firmly support the 
just struggles of the people of Korea, Viet Nam, Cambodia. Laos, Palestine and 
the Arab countries as well as countries in southern Africa. We support the 
countries and people of the Second World in their struggle against superpower 
control, threats and bullying. We support the efforts of West European countries 
to get united in this struggle. We are ready to work together w T ith the Japanese 
Government and people to promote friendly and good-neighbourly relations be- 
tween the two countries on the basis of the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement. 

There exist fundamental differences betw T een China and the United States. 
Owing to the joint efforts of both sides the relations between the two countries 
have improved to some extent in the last three years, and contacts between the 
two peoples have developed. The relations between the two countries will continue 
to improve so long as the principles of the Sino-American Shanghai Communique 
are carried out in earnest. 

The Soviet leading clique have betrayed Marxism-Leninism, and our debate 
with them on matters of principle will go on for a long time. However, we have 
always held that this debate should not obstruct the maintenance of normal 
state relations between China and the Soviet Union. The Soviet leadership have 
taken a series of steps to worsen the relations between the two countries, con- 
ducted subversive activities against our country and even provoked armed con- 
flicts on the border. In violation of the understanding reached between the 
Premiers of China and the Soviet Union as early as 1960, they refuse to sign 
the agreement on the maintenance of the status quo on the border, the prevention 
of armed conflicts and the disengagement of the armed forces of the two sides 
in the disputed areas on the border, an agreement which includes the non-use 
of force against each other and mutual non-aggression. Hence the negotiations 
on the Sino-Soviet boundary question have so far yielded no results. They even 
deny the existence of the disputed areas on the Sino-Soviet border, and they even 
■refuse to do anything about such matters as the disengagement of the armed 
forces of the two sides in the disputed areas on the border and the prevention 
of armed conflicts ; instead they talk profusely about empty treaties on the non- 
use of force against each other and mutual non-aggression. So what can their 
real intention be if not to deceive the Soviet people and world public opinion? We 
wish to advise the Soviet leadership to sit down and negotiate honestly, do 
something to solve a bit of the problem and stop playing such deceitful tricks. 


Chairman Mao teaches us, "Dig tunnels deep, store grain everywhere, and 
never seek 'hegemony.'" "Be prepared against war, oe prepared against natural 
disasters, and do everything for the people." We should maintain vigilance, 
strengthen our defence and be prepared against war. The heroic People's Liber- 
ation Army shoulders the glorious task of defending the motherland. The whole 
army should resolutely implement Chairman Mao's line for army building to 
strengthen the army and enhance preparedness against war. We should build 
the people's militia conscientiously and well. Together with the people of all our 
nationalities, the People's Liberation Army and the masses of the people's 
militia should be ready at all times to wipe out any enemy that dares intrude. 

We are determined to liberate Taiwan! Fellow-countrymen in Taiwan and 
people of the whole country, unite and work together tc achieve the noble aim 
of liberating Taiwan and unifying the motherland ! 

Fellow deputies : In the excellent situation prevailing at home and abroad, 
we should first of all run China's affairs well and strive to make a greater con- 
tribution to humanity. 

We must bear firmly in mind Chairman Mao's teachings and grasp major 
issues, grasp the line, and adhere to these fundamental principles, "Practise 
Marxism, and not revisionism ; unite, and don't split; oe open and aoove-ooard, 
and don't intrigue and conspire." 

We must resolutely support the centralized leadership of the Party. Of the 
seven sectors — industry, agriculture, commerce, culture and education, the army, 
the government and the Party — it is the Party that exercises overall leadership. 
We must put all fields of work under the unified leadership of the Party com- 
mittees at various levels. 

We must carry forward the glorious tradition of observing discipline, conscien- 
tiously practise democratic centralism, and, on the basis of Chairman Mao's 
revolutionary line, achieve unity in thinking, policy, plan, command and action. 

We must persist in the mass line: from the masses, to the masses; we must 
have unshakable faith in the vast majority of the masses and firmly rely on 
them. Both in revolution and in construction, we should boldly arouse the people 
and unfold vigorous mass movements. 

We must work hard, build the country and run all undertakings with diligence 
and thrift. We should maintain the same vigor, the same revolutionary enthu- 
siasm and the same daring death-defying spirit ive displayed in the years of 
revolutionary war and carry on our revolutionary work to the end. 

We must uphold proletarian internationalism, and get rid of great-power 
chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely. We will never seek 
hegemony; we will never be a superpower; we will always stand with the op- 
pressed people and oppressed nations throughout the world. 

Under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party headed by Chair- 
man Mao. the Chinese people have worked energetically, surmounted all diffi- 
culties and hazards, and turned a poverty-stricken and backward country into a 
socialist one with the beginnings of prosperity in only twenty years and more. 
We can certainly build China into a powerful modern socialist country in another 
twenty years and more before the end of the century. We should continue to 
work hard ; carry forward our achievements and overcome our shortcomings, be 
modest and prudent, guard against arrogance and rashness, and continue our 
triumphant advance. Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, 
let us unite to win still greater victories ! 

[Ta Kung Pao, May 20-26, 197G, No. ."10 ] 

D. — Great Cultural Revolution will Shine Forevkr 

In commemoration of JOih anniversary of May 10. 19C>G Circular of Central 
Commilter of Communist Party of China 

(By editorial departments of People's Daily. Red Flag journal and 
Liberation Army Daily) 

Following is the full text of the May 10> article by the editorial deportments 
of the People's Daily, the journal Red Flag and the Liberation Army Daily in 
Peking entitled 'The Great Cultural Revolution Will Shine Forever— in coin- 


memoration of the 10th anniversary of the May 16, 1966 Circular of the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party of China' : 

Ten years ago, the May 16 Circular of the Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of China was drawn up under the personal guidance of our great 
leader Chairman Mao. This brilliant Marxist document sounded the clarion call 
for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and illuminated the course of its 
triumphant advance. Today, having won great victories in the struggle to 
criticize Teng Hsiao-ping and repulse the Right deviationist wind to reverse 
correct verdicts, we warmly celebrate the 10th anniversary of the Great Cultural 
Revolution and re-study the circular, which gives us a deeper understanding of 
the necessity and far-reaching significance of the revolution and greater con- 
fidence to persevere in continuing the resolution under the dictatorship of the 


The circular was formulated in the fierce struggle between the proletarian 
headquarters headed by Chairman Mao and the bourgeois headquarters with 
Liu Shao-chi as its chieftan. It made an incisive criticism of Liu Shao-chi's 
counter-revolutionary revisionist line, exposed the reactionary essence of the 
'February Outline Report' (see note), refuted the fallacies against the Great 
Cultural Revolution spread by the Party persons in power taking the capitalist 
road, armed the whole Party with the Marxist-Leninist theory of class struggle 
and proletarian dictatorship, and called on us to expose and criticize the 
bourgeois representatives in the Party and seize that portion of the leadership 
they had usurped. The formulation of the circular proclaimed the bankruptcy 
of the 'February Outline Report'. Since then the Great Proletarian Cultural 
Revolution has been forging ahead vigorously. 

Chairman Mao points out : 'We couldn't do without the Great Proletarian 
Cultural Revolution.' This great revolution, which had been brewing for a long 
time, was the inevitable outcome of the acute struggle between the two classes, 
the two roads and the two lines. For years the renegade, hidden traitor and 
scab Liu Shao-chi and company had made frenzied efforts to push the counter- 
revolutionary revisionist line and stubbornly stuck to the capitalist road. They 
did their utmost to oppose Chairman Mao's revolutionary line on all fronts: 
clamouring about capitalist 'exploitation having its merits' and 'consolidating 
the new democratic order' ; drastically cutting down the number of co-operatives 
and practising 'san tzu yi pao' (more private plots, more free markets, more 
enterprises with sole responsibility for their own profits and losses, and fixing 
output quotas on a household basis — translator) ; lauding to the skies the re- 
actionary films 'Inside Story of the Ching Court' and 'The Life of Wu Hsun' ; and 
resisting the criticism of the play 'Hai Jui Dismissed from Office'. For a time 
Liu Shao-chi's bourgeois headquarters was in control of Party power and the 
power in the cultural and propaganda fields and in many localities. Capitalism 
and revisionism were rampant in the ideological and cultural departments under 
its control. Hordes of ghosts and monsters came out into the open and filled the 
press, radio, books and works of literature and art. A grave situation in which 
the bourgeoisie exercised dictatorship over the proletariat developed in certain 
spheres in the superstructure. Material incentives and 'bonuses in command' 
were widely practised to lure people to the capitalist road. In a fairly large 
majority of factories and enterprises, leadership was not in the hands of real 
Marxists and the masses of workers. Our socialist economic base was not solid. 
If the Great Cultural Revolution had not taken place, it. would not have taken 
long before a counter-revolutionary restoration on a national scale would in- 
evitably occur, cur Party would turn into a revisionist party, and the whole of 
China would change colour. 


With great Marxist-Leninisi insight, Chairman Mao perceived in good time the 
grave danger thai the Party capitalist-roaders were subverting the dictatorship 

of the proletariat. Chairman Mao points out in the circular: 'Those representa- 
tives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the 
army and various spheres of culture are a bunch of counter-revolutionary revi- 
sionists. Once conditions are ripe, they will seize political power and turn the 
dictatorship of the proletariat into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.' In the 
course of the current anti-Right deviationist struggle, Chairman Mao has again 


pointed out: 'You are making the socialist revolution, and yet don't know 
where the bourgeoisie is. It is right in the Communist Party — those in power 
taking the capitalist road. The eapitalist-roaders are still on the capitalist road.' 
In these important instructions, Chairman Mao profoundly analyzes the changes 
in the class relations and the characteristics of class struggle during the period 
of socialism, advances the scientific thesis that the bourgeoisie is in the Com- 
munist Party, develops Marxism-Leninism and further clarifies for us the orienta- 
tion for continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

In the past decade we have waged struggles against Liu Shao-chi, Lin Piao 
and Teng Hsiao-ping. All these struggles have proved that the bourgeoisie is 
indeed inside the Communist Party. The Party eapitalist-roaders are the bour- 
geoisie's main force in its trial of strength with the proletariat and in its efforts 
to restore capitalism. The crux of the matter here lies in the fact that these 
eapitalist-roaders are persons in power who have sneaked into the very structure 
of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chieftains of the revisionist line, like Liu 
Shao-chi. Lin Piao and Teng Hsiao-ping, hold a very large proportion of the 
Party and state power. They are thus in a position to turn instruments of the 
dictatorship of the proletariat into instruments for exercising dictatorship over 
the proletariat, and they are therefore even more ruthless in their efforts to 
restore capitalism than the bourgeoisie outside the Party. The power they hold 
could be used to recruit deserters and renegades, form cliques to serve their 
own selfish interests, rig up a bourgeois headquarters, formulate a revisionist 
line and push it from top to bottom. They could consolidate and extend bourgeois 
right, protect their own interests, namely, the interests of the 'high officials' who 
practise revisionism, embezzle and squander huge amounts of social wealth, 
energetically engage in capitalist activities, undermine and disrupt the socialist 
relations of production. Hiding under the cloak of Marxism-Leninism and waving 
all sorts of ensigns, they are able to mislead for a time a number of people who 
lack an understanding of the real situation and a high level of consciousness, 
deceiving them into following their revisionist line. In short, they are political 
representatives of the bourgeoisie and, in the struggle against the proletariat, 
they are commanders of all social forces and cliques that resist the socialist 
revolution and oppose and work to undermine socialist construction. 


Teng Hsiao-ping, the arch unrepentant Party capitalist-roader. played the 
commander's role in vehemently stirring up the Right deviationist wind which 
culminated in the counter-revolutionary political incident at Tienanmen Square. 
Before the Great Cultural Revolution he was the Xo. 2 chieftain of Liu Shao- 
chi's bourgeois headquarters. The two bourgeois headquarters of Lin Shao-chi 
and Lin Piao were smashed during the Great Cultural Revolution and. when 
Teng Hsiao-ping was criticized by the masses, his words flowed in a spate of 
vows, such as 'I'll mend my ways' and 'I'll never reverse the verdict". But. once 
he resumed work and was in power, he threw off his disguise and. with hatred 
grown tenfold and frenzy grown a hundredfold, brought all his experience in 
counter-revolutionary political struggle into play to formulate a programme and 
prepare public opinion for an organized and planned attack on the Party, with 
the spearhead directed at our great leader Chairman Mao. 

'Take the three directives as the key link' — this was Ten- HsiaO-pihg's politi- 
cal programme for reversing correct verdicts and restoring capitalism. Advertis- 
ing the theory of the dying out of class struggle and the theory of productive 
forces, this revisionist programme opposes taking class struggle as the key link 
and denies the Party's basic line and the necessity for the Great Cultural 
Revolution. Teng Hsiao-ping attempted to make it the -general programme for 
all work' for a long time to come and to impose it on the whole Party and the 
people throughout the country in order to pave the way for an all-round r stora- 
tion of capitalism. 


'Seize ideological positions' — this was a move Teng Tsiao-ping took to prepare 
public opinion for his scheme to reverse correct verdicts and restore capitalism. 
After he came to power, especially during last July, August and September 
and afterwards, political rumours were afloat and strange tales passed around 
here, there and everywhere in the society. All these rumours and strange tales 
originated with Teng Hsiao-ping and were fabricated by Teng's rumour- 


mongering company. Teng and company feverishly forged counter-revolutionary 
opinions by various base means to mislead the people and create splits. They 
directed the spearhead of their attack at the Party Central Committee headed 
by Chairman Mao and raised a hue and cry to clear the way for Teng Hsiao- 
ping to usurp the Party leadership and seize state power. 

'The first and foremost thing is to grasp leading bodies' — this was the organi- 
zational measure Teng Hsiao-ping adopted in his attempt to reverse correct 
verdicts and restore capitalism. He opposed the setting up of revolutionary lead- 
ing bodies of three-in-one combination. He attacked and pushed aside the old, 
middle-aged and young cadres who unheld Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, 
mustered unrepentant capitalist-roaders and put them in important positions, 
and assembled 'restorationist legions' in his attempt to reverse correct verdicts 
and restore capitalism. He did his utmost to keep in the Party renegades and 
special agents, who had been identified as such during the Great Cultural 
Revolution, so that they could stage a comeback sometime in the future. 

'Carry out all-around rectification' — this was the plan of action Teng Hsiao- 
ping mapped out for his scheme to reverse correct verdicts and restore capital- 
ism. The moment he issued the order for rectification, the sinister wind to reverse 
correct verdicts sprang up. Through rectification he aimed to cancel with one 
stroke Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies, the achievements of the 
Great Cultural Revolution and the superiority of the socialist system. The 
so-called rectification was in essence an attack on the proletariat by the 
bourgeoisie and an attempt at capitalist restoration. 


These actions by Teng Hsiao-ping were a continuation and development of 
the reactionary 'February Outline Report' which Chairman Mao had already 
criticized in the circular. Teng Hsiao-ping's 'taking the three directives as the 
key link' is a carbon copy of the revisionist line which the circular describes as 
'completely denying that the several thousand years of human history are a 
history of class struggle', 'completely denying the class struggle of the proletariat 
against the bourgeoisie, the proletarian revolution against the bourgeoisie and 
the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie.' The circular shows 
that Peng Chen deliberately spread rumours to divert people from the target 
of the struggle. It bitterly condemns the 'rectification campaign' designed by 
Peng Chen, whose aim was to attack the proletarian Left and shield the 
bourgeois Rightists. Teng Hsiao-ping went still further. His line is a continua- 
tion of the counter-revolutionary revisionist line pushed by Liu Shao-chi and 
Lin Piao. If this line were followed, not only would the achievements of the Great 
Cultural Revolution be nullified but also those of the entire Chinese revolu- 
tion. The capitalist road taken by Teng Hsiao-ping would lead back to the 
semi-colonial and semi-feudal old China and reduce China to an appendage of 
imperialism and social-imperialism. As Chairman Mao points out in criticizing 
the representatives of the bourgeoisie in the circular, 'They are faithful lackeys 
of the bourgeoisie and the imperialists. Together with the bourgeoisie and the 
imperialists, they cling to the bourgeois ideology of oppression and exploitation 
of the proletariat and to the capitalist system, and they oppose Marxist- 
Leninist ideology and the socialist system' ; 'Their struggle against us is one of 
life and death, and there is no question of equality. Therefore, our struggle 
against them, too, can be nothing but a life-and-death struggle'. 


The historic merits of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution initiated 
and led by Chairman Mao lie in the fact that the scheme of the bourgeoisie 
inside the Party to restore capitalism was smashed firmly and in good time, 
its counter-revolutionary revisionist line was criticized and that portion of 
the Party and state leadership it had usurped was seized back to ensure the 
country's continuous advance along Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. The 
Great Cultural Revolution's merits also lie in solving in theory and practice 
the cardinal question in the contemporary international communist movement, 
namely, how to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and prevent the 
restoration of capitalism. Hundreds of millions of workers, peasants and sol- 
diers, revolutionary cadres and revolutionary intellectuals have deepened their 
understanding of the fact that the Great Cultural Revolution 'is absolutely 


necessary and most timely'. They hail it and say : 'The Great Cultural Revolu- 
tion is excellent!' Only unrepentant capitalist-roaders like Teng Hsiao-ping 
harbour bitter hatred for it. Bent on settling scores and reversing the correct 
verdicts of the Great Cultural Revolution, he has offended the great majority 
of people. They do not agree with him nor will they allow him to carry on. 
'Reversing correct verdicts goes against the will of the people.' The will of the 
people, the Party and the Party members is for continuing the revolution and 
against restoration and retrogression. It is precisely for this reason that the 
great struggle initiated and led by Chairman Mao to repulse the Right devia- 
tionist attempt to reverse correct verdicts has earned the wholehearted support 
of the entire Party, the entire army and the people throughout the country. 
The struggle has won the full approval of the people and is much to their 
satisfaction. Those who attempted to reverse correct verdicts and settle scores 
were extremely isolated and were soon brought to defeat. 

We have won great victories, but the struggle has not come to an end. The 
struggle to criticize Teng Hsiao-ping's counter-revolutionary revisionist line must 
be carried on in depth. We must never slacken our fighting will. The handful of 
class enemies will not be reconciled to their defeat. Drawing lessons from their 
failure, they are studying tactics and methods of how to deal with us. The revo- 
lutionary people must be soberly aware of this. 


Chairman Mao has pointed out : 'Lenin spoke of building a bourgeois state 
without capitalists to safeguard bourgeois right. We ourselves have built just 
such a state, not much different from the old society ; there are ranks and grades, 
eight grades of wages, distribution according to work, and exchange of equal 
values.' As long as these conditions exist, as long as classes, class contradictions 
and class struggle exist and as long as the influences of the bourgeoise and inter- 
national imperialism and revisionism exist, the historical phenomenon that 'The 
capitalist-roaders are still on the capitalist road' will remain for a long time to 
come. On the first anniversary of the circular, Chairman Mao gave us this admo- 
nition : 'The present Great Cultural Revolution is only the first; there will 
inevitably be many more in the future.' During the current struggle to repulse the 
Right deviationist attempt to reverse correct verdicts, Chairman Mao has again 
pointed out: 'After the democratic revolution the workers and the poor and 
lower-middle peasants did not stand still, they want revolution. On the other 
hand, a number of Party members do not want to go forward ; some have moved 
backward and opposed the revolution. Why? Because they have become high of- 
ficials and want to protect the interests of the high officials.' 'Will there be need 
for revolution a hundred years from now? Will there still be need for revolution 
a thousand years from now? There is always need for revolution. There are 
always sections of the people who feel themselves oppressed; junior officials. 
students, workers, peasants and soldiers don't like bigshots oppressing them. 
That's why they want revolution. Will contradictions no longer be soon ton thou- 
sand years from now? Why not? They will still be seen.' Therefore, we must 
prepare ourselves ideologically for a protracted struggle against the capitalist- 
roaders and for continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the 


Chairman Mao said at. the beginning of this year: 'Without struggle, there is 
no progress.' 'Can 800 million people manage without struggle?!' The ten years 
of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was a decade in which we advanced 
through struggle and brought tremendous changes to our country. Studying 
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought in the course of struggle, hundreds of 
millions of people have become more conscious of the need to combat and prevent 
revisionism and to continue the revolution. Chairman Mao's proletarian revolu- 
tionary line has found its way even deeper into the hearts of the people. By get- 
ting rid of the stalo and Inking in the fresh, onr Party has gained in strength and 
vigour. Our army has grown stronger, after jroins: through new tests and making 
fresh contributions to the people in 'supporting Industry, supporting agriculture, 
supporting the broad masses of the Loft, exercising military control, nod riving 
political and military training'. The militia has contributed to the consolidation 
of proletarian dictatorship through participation in the struggle to defend the 


motherland and in social class struggle. The three-in-one combination of the 
old, middle-aged and young has been adopted in the leading bodies at all levels, 
and millions upon millions of successors to the proletarian revolutionary cause 
are steeling themselves and maturing in the course of struggle in accordance 
with the five qualifications put forward by Chairman Mao. The socialist revolu- 
tion in education, literature and art, medical and health work, science and tech- 
nology has been advancing in giant strides through the acute struggle between 
the two lines. Vast numbers of educated youth have gone eagerly to settle in 
the countryside, and cadres of all levels have persevered in taking the May 7 
road. The mass movements to learn from Tachai in agriculture and Taching in 
industry are surging ahead. Agriculture, industry and the entire national eco- 
nomy are thriving. Our great motherland is a flourishing scene of prosperity. 
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has further released the energies of 
the people in their hundreds of millions. The tremendous impact of this revolu- 
tion, which is just beginning to show itself, will make itself felt with greater 
force with the deeping of the revolution. 


We must continue our triumphant advance and carry forward the excellent 
situation. The broad masses of Party members, cadres and other people must 
conscientiously study Chairman Mao's important instructions concerning the 
Great Cultural Revolution and the anti-Right deviationist struggle, study the 
theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, get 
clear on the questions of where the bourgeoisie is to be found and enforcing all- 
round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, and persist in combating and prevent- 
ing revisionism and continuing the revolution. We must acquire a profound 
understanding of the brilliant victories and tremendous significance of the Great 
Cultural Revolution, wholeheartedly support the new socialist things, and con- 
solidate and develop the victories of the Great Cultural Revolution. We must 
deepen the criticism of Teng Hsiao-ping, beat back the Right deviationist at- 
tempt to reverse correct verdicts and deal resolute blows at all counter-revo- 
lutionary sabotage. We must unite over 95 percent of the cadres and of the 
masses under the general objective of criticizing Teng Hsiao-ping, and continue 
to do a good job in the revolution in the superstructure and the economic base. 
We must 'grasp revolution, promote production and other work and prepared- 
ness a gainst war' and continuously advance socialist construction in all fields. 

The proletariat is full of revolutionary optimism. We have faith in dialectics. 
We firmly believe that 'The supersession of the old by the new is a general, 
eternal and inviolable law of the universe.' (On Contradiction) However many 
twists and turns there are on the road of revolution and however many ups 
and downs it encounters, the truth of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought is 
irresistible and in the final analysis the masses, who account for over 95 percent 
of the population, want revolution. Revolution will inevitably triumph over re- 
action and the new-born over the decadent — this is a law of history. It is just 
over a century since the founding of Marxism, and the old world has been 
shattered to pieces. Today, capitalism and revisionism are declining like 'a set- 
ting sun in the west wind'. The clowns who go against the tide of history may 
have their own wav for a time but v/ill eventually be swept onto the garbage 
heap of history by the people. As Marx and Engels stated, the bourgeoisie's 'fall 
and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.' ('Manifesto of the Com- 
munist Party') While commemorating the 10th anniversary of the circular, we 
are full of revolutionary pride as we review the course of struggle of the Great 
Cultural Revolution, survey the excellent situation in which 'orioles sing, 
swallows dart', and look forward to the bright future when 'the world is being 
turned upside down'. Under the leadership of the Party Central Committee 
bonded by Chairman Mao. we are determined to persevere in taking class struggle 
as the key link and carry the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the 
proletariat through to the end. 

Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line is invincible, and our ad- 
vance cannot be stopped ! 

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution will shine forever ! 


E.— Shanghai: Joint Communique 

Text of the Joint Statement Issued at the Conclusion of President Nixon's 
Visit to the People's Republic of China, February 27, 1972. 

President Richard Nixon of the United States of America visited the People's 
Republic of China at the invitation of Premier Chou En-lai of the People's 
Republic of China from February 21 to February 28, 1972. Accompanying the 
President were Mrs Nixon, U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, Assistant to 
the President Dr. Henry Kissinger, and other American officials. 

President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tse-tung of the Communist Party of 
China on February 21, The two leaders had a serious and frank exchange of 
views on Sino-U.S. relations and world affairs. 

During the visit, extensive, earnest and frank discussions were held between 
President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the normalization of relations be- 
tween the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as well 
as on other matters of interest to both sides. In addition, Secretary of State 
William Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi-Peng-fei held talks in the same spirit. 

President Nixon and his party visited Peking and viewed cultural, industrial 
and agricultural sites, and they also toured Hangchow and Shanghai where, con- 
tinuing discussions with Chinese leaders, they viewed similar places of interest. 

The leaders of the People's Republic of China and the United States of 
America found it beneficial to have this opportunity, after so many years with- 
out contact, to present candidly to one another their views on a variety of issues. 
They reviewed the international situation in which important changes and 
great upheavals are taking place and expounded their respective positions and 

The U.S. side stated : Peace in Asia and peace in the world requires efforts 
both to reduce immediate tensions and to eliminate the basic causes of conflict. 
The United States will work for a just and secure peace: just, because it ful- 
fills the aspirations of peoples and nations for freedom and progress ; secure, 
because it removes the danger of foreign aggression. The United States supports 
individual freedom and social progress for all the peoples of the world, free of 
outside pressure or intervention. The United States believes that the effort to 
reduce tensions is served by improving communications between countries that 
have different ideologies so as to lessen the risks of confrontation through acci- 
dent, miscalculation or misunderstanding. Countries should treat each other 
with mutual respect and be willing to compete peacefully, letting performance 
be the ultimate judge. No country should claim infallibility and each country 
should be prepared to re-examine its own attitudes for the common good. The 
United States stressed that the peoples of Indochina should be allowed to de- 
termine their destiny without outside intervention; its constant primary ob- 
jective has been a negotiated solution ; the eight-point proposal put forward by 
the Republic of Vietnam and the United States on January 27, 1972 represents 
a basis for the attainment of that objective; in the absence of a negotiated 
settlement the United States envisages the ultimate withdrawal of all U.S. forces 
from the region consistent with the aim of self-determination for each country 
of Indochina. The United States will maintain its close ties with and support 
for the Republic of Korea ; the United States will support efforts of the Re- 
public of Korea to seek a relaxation of tension and increased communications 
in the Korean peninsula. The United States places the highest value on its 
friendly relations with Japan : it will continue to develop the existing close 
bonds. Consistent with the United Nations Security Council Resolution of De- 
cember 21. 1971, the United States favors the continuation of the ceasefire be- 
tween India and Pakistnn and the withdrawal of all military forces to within 
their own territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and 
Kashmir; the United States supports the rie:ht of the peoples of South Asia to 
shape their own future in peace, free of military threat, and without having the 
area become the subject of great power rivalry. 

The Chinese side stated : Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance. 
Countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revo- 
lution — this has become the irresistible trend of history. All nations, big or 
small, should be equal ; big nations should not bully the small and strong nations 
should not bully the weak. China will never be a superpower and it opposes 


hegemony and power politics of any kind. The Chinese side stated that it firmly 
supports the struggles of all the oppressed people and nations for freedom and 
liberation and that the people of all countries have the right to choose their 
social systems according to their own wishes and the right to safeguard the 
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their own countries and 
oppose foreign aggression, interference, control and subversion. All foreign 
troops should be withdrawn to their own countries. 

The Chinese side expressed its firm support to the peoples of Vietnam, Laos 
and Cambodia in their efforts for the attainment of their goal and its firm sup- 
port to the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of 
the Republic of South Vietnam and the elaboration of February this year on the 
two key problems in the proposal, and to the Joint Declaration of the Summit 
Conference of the Indochinese Peoples. It firmly supports the eight-point program 
for the peaceful unification of Korea put forward by the Government of the 
Democratic People's Republic of Korea on April 12, 1971, and the stand for the 
abolition of the "U.N. Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of 
Korea." It firmly opposes the revival and outward expansion of Japanese mili- 
tarism and firmly supports the Japanese people's desire to build an independent, 
democratic, peaceful and neutral Japan. It firmly maintains that India and Pak- 
istan should, in accordance with the United Nations resolutions on the India- 
Pakistan question, immediately withdraw all their forces to their respective 
territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir 
and firmly supports the Pakistan Government and people in their struggle to 
preserve their independence and sovereignty and the people of Jammu and 
Kashmir in their struggle for the right of self-determination. 

There are essential differences between China and the United States in their 
social systems and foreign policies. However, the two sides agreed that countries, 
regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the princi- 
ples of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, non- 
aggression against other states, non-interference in the internal affairs of other 
states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. International dis- 
putes should be settled on this basis, without resorting to the use or threat of 
force. The United States and the People's Republic of China are prepared to 
apply these principles to their mutual relations. 

With these principles of international relations in mind the two sides stated 

"Progress toward the normalization of relations between China and the United 
States is in the interests of all countries ; 

"Both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict; 

"Neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region and each is opposed 
to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony ; 

"Neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into 
agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states." 

Both sides are of the view that it would be against the interests of the peoples 
of the world for any major country to collude with another against other coun- 
tries, or for major countries to divide up the world into spheres of interest. 

The two sides reviewed the long-standing serious disputes between China and 
the United States. The Chinese side reaffirmed its position : The Taiwan question 
is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China 
and the United States ; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the 
sole legal government of China ; Taiwan is a province of China which has long 
been returned to the motherland ; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal 
affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces 
and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Gov- 
ernment firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of "one China, 
one Taiwan," "one China, two governments," "two Chinas," and "independent 
Taiwan" or advocate that "the status of Taiwan remains to be determined." 

The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges that all Chinese on 
either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan 
is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that posi- 
tion. It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by 
the Chinese themselves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate 
objective of the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from 


Taiwan. In the meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military 
installations on Taiwan as the tension in the area diminishes. 

The two sides agreed that it is desirable to broaden the understanding be- 
tween the two peoples. To this end, they discussed specific areas in such fields 
as science, technology, culture, sports and journalism, in which people-to-people 
contacts and exchanges would be mutually beneficial. Each side undertakes to 
facilitate the further development of such contacts and exchanges. 

Both sides view bilateral trade as another area from which mutual benefit can 
be derived, and agreed that economic relations based on equality and mutual 
benefit are in the interest of the peoples of the two countries. They agree to 
facilitate the progressive development of trade between their two countries. 

The two sides agreed that they will stay in contact through various channels, 
including the sending of a senior U.S. representative to Peking from time to time 
for concrete consultations to further the normalization of relations between the 
two countries and continue to exchange views on issues of common interest. 

The two sides expressed the hope that the gains achieved during this visit 
would open up new prospects for the relations between the two countries. They 
believe that the normalization of relations between the two countries is not only 
in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the 
relaxation of tension in Asia and the world. 

President Nixon, Mrs. Nixon and the American party expressed their apprecia- 
tion for the gracious hospitality shown them by the Government and the people 
of the People's Republic of China. 


UNIVbKSIIY Ul- i-luri 

3 1262 09113 1267